CE Week #5: “Obama, McCain spar on war, taxes”. . . AND MORE

Republican presidential candidate Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., left, and Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill., face off at a presidential debate at the University of Mississippi in Oxford, Miss., Friday. (Associated Press)

OXFORD, Miss. — John McCain accused Barack Obama of compiling “the most liberal voting record in the United States Senate” tonight in their first debate of a close campaign for the White House. The Democrat shot back, “Mostly that’s just me opposing George Bush’s wrong-headed policies.”

Obama said his Republican rival has been a loyal supporter of the unpopular president across the past eight years, adding that the current economic crisis is “a final verdict on eight years of failed economic policies promoted by President Bush and supported by Sen. McCain.”

The two men clashed over spending, taxes, energy and — at length — the war in Iraq during their 90-minute debate.

McCain accused his younger rival of an “incredible thing of voting to cut off funds for troops in Iraq and Afghanistan,” a reference to legislation that cleared the Senate more than a year ago.

Obama disputed that, saying he had opposed funding in a bill that presented a “blank check” to the Pentagon while McCain had opposed money in legislation that included a timetable for troop withdrawal.

In 2002, befoere he was a member of Congress, Obama opposed the invasion of Iraq, while McCain voted to authorize the war as a member of the Senate.

“You were wrong” on Iraq, Obama repeated three times in succession. “John, you like to pretend the war began in 2007.”

McCain replied that Obama has refused to acknowledge the success of the troop buildup in Iraq that McCain recommended and Bush announced more than a year ago.

The two presidential candidates stood behind identical wooden lecterns on stage at the performing arts center at the University of Mississippi for the first of three scheduled debates with less than six weeks remaining until Election Day. The two vice presidential candidates will meet next week for their only debate.

The 47-year-old Obama is seeking to become the nation’s first black president. McCain, 72, is hoping to become the oldest first-term chief executive in history — and he made a few jokes at his own expense.

“I’ve been around a while,” he said at one point. “Were you afraid I couldn’t hear you?” he said at another after Obama repeated a comment.

It was a debate that almost didn’t happen. McCain decided at the last minute to attend, two days after announcing he would try to have the event rescheduled if Congress had not reached an agreement on an economic bailout to deal with the crisis now gripping Wall Street.

The two men were pointed but polite as they covered most issues, although at least once, McCain sought to depict his rival as naive on foreign policy. That was particularly true when it came to Obama’s statement that it might become necessary to send U.S. troops across the Pakistani border to pursue terrorists.

“You don’t say that out loud,” retorted McCain. “If you have to do things, you do things.”

McCain also seemed eager to demonstrate his knowledge of foreign policy, recalling the names of three former leaders of the Soviet Union in one sentence.

Moderator Jim Lehrer’s opening question concerned the economic crisis gripping Wall Street. While neither man committed to supporting bailout legislation taking shape in Congress, they readily agreed lawmakers must take action to prevent millions of Americans from losing their jobs and their homes.

Both also said they were pleased that lawmakers in both parties were negotiating on a compromise.

McCain made a point of declaring his independence from Bush.

“I have opposed the president on spending, on climate change, on torture of prisoners, on Guantanamo Bay, on a long — on the way that the Iraq War was conducted. I have a long record and the American people know me very well … a maverick of the Senate.”

He jabbed at Obama, who he said has requested millions of dollars in pork barrel spending, including some after he began running for president.

As he does frequently while campaigning, the Republican vowed to veto any lawmaker’s pork barrel project that reaches his desk in the White House. “You will know their names and I will make them famous,” he said.

The stakes were high as the two rivals walked on stage. The polls gave Obama a modest lead and indicated he was viewed more favorably than his rival when it came to dealing with the economy. But the same surveys show McCain favored by far on foreign policy.

Both candidates had rehearsed extensively, Obama prepping with advisers at a resort in Clearwater, Fla., and McCain putting in debate work at his home outside Washington.

The two presidential hopefuls are scheduled to debate twice more, at Belmont University in Nashville on Oct. 7 and at Hofstra University in Hempsted, N.Y., on Oct. 15. Vice presidential contenders Sarah Palin and Joe Biden are to square off in a single debate Oct. 2 at Washington University in St. Louis.

Now for the Important Part:  Who Won?

Opinion #1:  McCain

‘Senator McCain Is Absolutely Right…’
Barack Obama plays Mr. Nice Guy — and loses — in the first debate.
By Byron York

 

Oxford, Mississippi — A few minutes after the debate between John McCain and Barack Obama ended here on the campus of the University of Mississippi, I asked close McCain adviser Charlie Black whether Obama had performed as McCain’s debate team had anticipated.

“No, no,” Black said emphatically. “I never expected Sen. Obama to spend the entire debate on the defensive, and he did. He did.”

Maybe there was a tad of exaggeration in Black’s verdict, but there was some truth in it, too. Obama was smooth, unflappable, and just a little off balance for much of the evening. Worse for him, he seemed inexplicably eager to concede that McCain was right on issue after issue. A candidate determined to appear congenial might do that once, or even twice, but Obama did it eight times:
“I think Senator McCain’s absolutely right that we need more responsibility…”

“Senator McCain is absolutely right that the earmarks process has been abused…”
“He’s also right that oftentimes lobbyists and special interests are the ones that are introducing these…requests…”

“John mentioned the fact that business taxes on paper are high in this country, and he’s absolutely right…”

“John is right we have to make cuts…”

“Senator McCain is absolutely right that the violence has been reduced as a consequence of the extraordinary sacrifice of our troops and our military families…”

“John — you’re absolutely right that presidents have to be prudent in what they say…”

“Senator McCain is absolutely right, we cannot tolerate a nuclear Iran…”

Add it all up, and Obama was undeniably, and surprisingly, deferential to a man who in the past Obama has said “doesn’t get it.” Moments after the debate ended, I asked David Axelrod, Obama’s chief strategist, whether Obama had simply been too nice (not a question one often gets to ask in these situations). “The bottom line is, I don’t think the American people want us to disagree just for the sake of being disagreeable,” Axelrod told me. “I think he made a very strong case, absolutely.”

Well, you wouldn’t expect Axelrod to admit that his guy messed up. But here’s a prediction: The next time McCain and Obama meet in debate, on October 7 in Nashville, start a drinking game in which you take a big swig every time Obama says, “John is absolutely right.” I’ll bet you get to the end of the debate without ever lifting a glass – Disclaimer from Kautzman  DO NOT DO THIS – JUST IN CASE HE IS WRONG, I DO NOT WANT TO ADVOCATE UNDERAGE DRINKING.

But Obama’s problem wasn’t just saying “John is right” too many times. He also let McCain control the discussion even when — especially when — the conversation turned to issues that play to Obama’s strength. The debate was scheduled to focus entirely on foreign policy and national security, but for obvious reasons moderator Jim Lehrer devoted the first half-hour to the current financial crisis. Polls show Obama with a pretty big lead on economic issues, and yet McCain was able to turn the discussion — ostensibly about the $700 billion bailout proposal — into an extended examination of federal spending and earmarks, two issues about which McCain has strong feelings and a good record. When McCain pointed out that Obama had asked for $932 million in earmarks — “nearly a million dollars a day for every day that he’s been in the United States Senate” — Obama answered weakly that yes, the process has been abused, “which is why I suspended any requests for my home state, whether it was for senior centers or what have you, until we cleaned it up.” Not his best moment.

When the debate came around to the topic of the evening, McCain outshone Obama on topics like Russia and Pakistan while hitting him over and over for his comments, made in earlier Democratic debates, that he would meet Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad “without precondition.” On Iraq, the two men fought to a draw, with McCain arguing that Obama was wrong on the surge and Obama arguing that McCain was wrong on the war. It seems unlikely they will change anyone’s mind about that.

The bottom line was that Obama did well enough, but McCain did better. A number of post-debate observers suggested that Obama might emerge the winner on these topics because he was able to stand alongside McCain and argue as an equal despite McCain’s greater experience. Maybe viewers will handicap the contest that way, but if they judge it straight, McCain will come out on top.

One odd thing about the debate was that it never touched on the fact that it almost didn’t happen. McCain’s go-to-Washington-to-fix-the-bailout-and-postpone-the-debate gambit was the talk of political insiders before the debate, but once the discussion began onstage, it nearly disappeared altogether. “Yes, I went back to Washington, and I met with my Republicans in the House of Representatives,” McCain said at one point. (How surprised those House Republicans will be to learn that they are McCain’s Republicans.) But after that brief remark, McCain never mentioned it again, nor did Obama.

Perhaps that’s because the fact that the debate was held, and the world didn’t end, showed that there was no need to postpone it, but the fact that progress had been made in Washington showed that McCain was right to abandon his debate prep to play a role in the bailout talks. Both McCain and Obama turned out to be half right and half wrong.

And in the end, what a mistake it would have been for McCain to have stayed away from this debate. Several hours before it began, when it was finally clear that there was going to be a debate at all, the Obama campaign sent an e-mail to reporters attempting to lower expectations for their man’s performance. Nobody paid much attention; it was, after all, an entirely unremarkable bit of pre-spin. But in this case, it turned out to be right.

 

Byron York, NR’s White House correspondent, is the author of the book The Vast Left Wing Conspiracy: The Untold Story of How Democratic Operatives, Eccentric Billionaires, Liberal Activists, and Assorted Celebrities Tried to Bring Down a President — and Why They’ll Try Even Harder Next Time.

Opinion #2:  Obama

Obama Wins Debate On Tactics and Strategies

 

Toward the very end of tonight’s debate—which was quite a good one, I believe—John McCain laid out his rationale in this election in just a few words: Senator Obama, he said, lacks the “knowledge and experience to be President.” The presidency will turn on whether the American people agree with McCain on that—but on this night, Obama emerged as a candidate who was at least as knowledgeable, judicious and unflappable as McCain on foreign policy … and more knowledgeable, and better suited to deal with the economic crisis and domestic problems the country faces.

But even if my verdict were reversed to grant McCain a slight victory, there was nothing in this debate that was a knockout blow—nothing that should change the current trajectory of the campaign. (Although it may staunch the slow bleed that McCain has experienced the past week). Obama seemed plenty presidential; McCain seemed more prudent and thoughtful than he has since he uttered the most important line of the campaign so far, “the fundamentals of the economy are good.” Neither man closed the sale, and I don’t think many votes, or opinions, were changed.

This was a debate—at times explicitly—about tactics and strategies. McCain was more tactical, trying to pick fights with Obama on the details of foreign policy and not venturing beyond his personal domestic policy obsessions like the $18 billion spent per year on Congressional earmarks. Obama was more concerned with strategy, and an overall vision for the country—he was the one who brought up the damage done to America’s standing in the world, and also the one who insisted on putting the war in Iraq in a broader strategic context: it had hurt America’s overall position in the middle east by empowering Iran and allowing Al Qaeda to regain strength in Afghanistan. As for McCain’s remark about Obama not knowing the difference between a tactic and a strategy—McCain was wrong. The counterinsurgency methods introduced by David Petraeus in Iraq were a tactical change, a new means to achieve Bush’s same strategic end of a stable, unified Iraq. If Bush had decided to partition the country, or to withdraw, that would have been a change in strategy.

McCain was clearly the aggressor in this debate and that may have worked to his advantage—Obama graciously admitted when he agreed with McCain; McCain rarely acknowledged Obama in that or any other way. The problem with McCain’s aggressiveness was that it almost always involved misstating Obama’s positions—on offshore drilling, nuclear power, talking to our enemies, raising taxes on the middle class, attacking Pakistan … the same list of untruths McCain has stuck with throughout the campaign. Or he’d try to make petty distinctions, like whether Obama’s initial statements on Georgia were tough enough. When Obama chose to criticize McCain it was on big things—supporting the war in Iraq, opposing alternative energy, standing by the Republican trickle-down philosophy of taxation. In this way, too, Obama was strategic and McCain tactical.

McCain was also confused about what “preconditions” means in diplo-speak. The Bush Administration had, until recently, set a precondition for talks with Iran: that the Iranians had to stop processing nuclear fuel. Obama would talk to the Iranians—as Henry Kissinger and James Baker would—without setting that condition. (Diplo-speak only vaguely resembles English: precondition is redundant, all conditions for starting a negotiation are pre-.) Unfortunately, we never learned how McCain feels about that condition because Obama dropped the ball here—he never explained what he meant by “preconditions” in this specific context or asked McCain if he agreed. There were several other opportunities missed by Obama: he could have noted that the Iraqi government has agreed to his notion of a timetable and asked McCain, Do you want to stay longer than the Iraqis want us there?

Ultimately, sadly, these debates are won, or lost, on style and perceptions of character—not substance. Those are matters of taste. We’ll see if McCain seemed too old or Obama too young. Obama did speak in a stronger, firmer voice. He was clear, straightforward and not at all professorial. He looked directly into the camera; McCain rarely, if ever, did. But McCain put his experience—his frequent travels overseas—to good use in this debate, although his standard laugh lines like “Miss Congeniality” seemed to bomb.

Obama did everything he had to do, with few if any mistakes. I thought McCain did less so. The early snap polling seems to agree with me, but I’d caution against taking those too seriously. This was a big event in this campaign—the beginning of the end. It will need to be digested, discussed around the water cooler and the dinner table. But the race has not been decided yet.

(Click here to see the 10 Memorable Debate Moments.)

(See a gallery of campaign gaffes here.)

CE Week #5: “Skepticism of Palin Growing, Poll Finds”

By Jon Cohen and Jennifer Agiesta
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, October 2, 2008; A01

With the vice presidential candidates set to square off today in their only scheduled debate, public assessments of Sarah Palin’s readiness have plummeted, and she may now be a drag on the Republican ticket among key voter groups, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll.

Tonight’s heavily anticipated debate comes just five weeks after the popular Alaska governor entered the national spotlight as Sen. John McCain’s surprise pick to be his running mate. Though she initially transformed the race with her energizing presence and a fiery convention speech, Palin is now a much less positive force: Six in 10 voters see her as lacking the experience to be an effective president, and a third are now less likely to vote for McCain because of her.

A month ago, voters rated Palin as highly as they did McCain or his Democratic rival, Sen. Barack Obama, but after weeks of intensive coverage and several perceived missteps, the shine has diminished.

Nearly a third of adults in a new poll from the Pew Research Center said they paid a lot of attention to Palin’s interviews with CBS News’s Katie Couric, a series that prompted grumbling among some conservative commentators about Palin’s competency to be the GOP’s vice presidential standard-bearer. The Pew poll showed views of Palin slipping over the past few days alone.

In the new Post-ABC poll, Palin matches the Democratic vice presidential candidate, Sen. Joseph R. Biden Jr., on empathy, one of McCain’s clear deficits against Obama, while fewer than half of voters think she understands “complex issues.”

But it is the experience question that may prove her highest hurdle, particularly when paired with widespread public concern about McCain’s age. About half of all voters said they were uncomfortable with the idea of McCain taking office at age 72, and 85 percent of those voters said Palin does not have the requisite experience to be president.

The 60 percent who now see Palin as insufficiently experienced to step into the presidency is steeply higher than in a Post-ABC poll after her nomination early last month. Democrats and Republicans alike are now more apt to doubt her qualifications, but the biggest shift has come among independents.

In early September, independents offered a divided verdict on Palin’s experience; now they take the negative view by about 2 to 1. Nearly two-thirds of both independent men and women in the new poll said Palin has insufficient experience to run the White House.

Obama was able for the first time to crack the 50 percent mark, albeit barely, on whether he has the experience to be president following Friday’s presidential debate, and the question is one of Palin’s central challenges as she prepares to face Biden in prime time before a national television audience.

More than two-thirds of voters in the Pew poll said they plan to watch the debate, far more than said they were going to turn on the vice presidential debate four years ago. The expectations are that Biden, a six-term senator, will win: Voters by a 19-point margin think he will prove to be the better debater.

In the new Post-ABC poll, majorities of conservatives and Republicans maintain that Palin has the necessary experience to step in as president, though those numbers are also down somewhat from early last month.

But a third of independent voters now indicate they are less likely to support McCain because of Palin, compared with 20 percent who said so in an ABC poll a month ago. Palin now repels more independents than she attracts to McCain. The share of independent women less apt to support McCain because of the Palin pick has more than doubled to 34 percent, while the percentage more inclined to support him is down eight points.

White Catholics, another important group of swing voters, also are now more likely to say that Palin dampens their support for McCain.

Still, nearly half of both white Catholics and independents said she does not affect their votes. Even more, about six in 10, said Obama’s pick of Biden did not change their chances of voting Democratic.

The history of vice presidential picks suggests they are rarely consequential, and in a July Post-ABC poll, the nominees’ choice for No. 2 was last on a list of 17 items voters said might sway their decisions.

The reaction to Palin, however, has been uncharacteristically strong.

Nearly three in 10 independent women have intensely unfavorable opinions of her, more than twice the proportion holding such views of Biden. And a majority of Democratic women now have “strongly unfavorable” views of Palin, up sharply from just after she accepted the nomination.

Among all voters, 29 percent have “strongly favorable” views, and an exactly offsetting number hold intensely negative ones. Attitudes toward Biden are more subdued.

Overall, 51 percent of voters view Palin favorably; for Biden, that number is a bit higher at 57 percent.

The vice presidential hopefuls run about evenly among all voters and among independents on the question of whether they “understand the problems of people like you.” That is an important factor for the GOP ticket, as McCain continues to trail Obama as the candidate more in tune with the financial problems Americans face.

White married women are particularly likely to see Palin as in touch, as three-quarters said she understands their concerns. At the same time, a majority of such women do not think Palin has enough experience to be a good president. (White married women support the GOP ticket by a 20-point margin.)

Palin runs far behind Biden on another important attribute: About three-quarters of those surveyed said he understands complex issues, compared with 46 percent who said so of her.

On the eve of the presidential election in 2000, 76 percent said Al Gore had a solid grasp of hard issues; 60 percent said so of George W. Bush.

Despite Palin’s slip in public assessments, the boost she has provided among some core segments of the GOP base has not faded. Enthusiasm for McCain’s candidacy among Republicans, conservatives and white evangelical Protestants climbed sharply after the party’s convention in St. Paul, Minn., where Palin made her debut, and it has held relatively steady since.

But even within these Republican strongholds, questions about Palin’s experience are fairly common. About four in 10 conservatives and white evangelical Protestants, three in 10 Republicans and a quarter of GOP women said she does not have the necessary experience.

The Post-ABC poll was conducted by telephone Sept. 27 to 29 among a random sample of adults nationally, including interviews with 1,070 registered voters. The results have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus three percentage points. Error margins for subgroups are higher.

Published in: on September 28, 2008 at 8:42 am Comments (6)

CE Week #5: “Wrong woman for the job”

If at one time women were considered heretical for swimming upstream against feminist orthodoxy, they now face condemnation for swimming downstream – away from Sarah Palin.

To express reservations about her qualifications to be vice president – and possibly president – is to risk being labeled anti-woman.

Or, as I am guilty of charging her early critics, supporting only a certain kind of woman.

Some of the passionately feminist critics of Palin who attacked her personally deserved some of the backlash they received. But circumstances have changed since Palin was introduced as just a hockey mom with lipstick – what a difference a financial crisis makes – and a more complicated picture has emerged.

As we’ve seen and heard more from John McCain’s running mate, it is increasingly clear that Palin is a problem. Quick study or not, she doesn’t know enough about economics and foreign policy to make Americans comfortable with a President Palin should conditions warrant her promotion.

Yes, she recently met and turned several heads of state as the United Nations General Assembly convened in New York. She was gracious, charming and disarming. Men swooned. Pakistan’s president wanted to hug her.

And, yes, she has common sense, something we value. And she’s had executive experience as a mayor and a governor, though of relatively small constituencies (about 6,000 and 680,000, respectively).

Finally, Palin’s narrative is fun, inspiring and all-American in that frontier way we seem to admire. When Palin first emerged as John McCain’s running mate, I confess I was delighted. She was the antithesis and nemesis of the hirsute, Birkenstock-wearing sisterhood – a refreshing feminist of a different order who personified the modern successful working mother.

Palin didn’t make a mess cracking the glass ceiling. She simply glided through it.

It was fun while it lasted.

Palin’s recent interviews with Charles Gibson, Sean Hannity and now Katie Couric have all revealed an attractive, earnest, confident candidate.

Who Is Clearly Out Of Her League.

No one hates saying that more than I do. Like so many women, I’ve been pulling for Palin, wishing her the best, hoping she will perform brilliantly. I’ve also noticed that I watch her interviews with the held breath of an anxious parent, my finger poised over the mute button in case it gets too painful. Unfortunately, it often does. My cringe reflex is exhausted.

Palin filibusters. She repeats words, filling space with deadwood. Cut the verbiage and there’s not much content there. Here’s but one example of many from her interview with Hannity:

“Well, there is a danger in allowing some obsessive partisanship to get into the issue that we’re talking about today. And that’s something that John McCain, too, his track record, proving that he can work both sides of the aisle, he can surpass the partisanship that must be surpassed to deal with an issue like this.”

When Couric pointed to polls showing that the financial crisis had boosted Obama’s numbers, Palin blustered wordily: “I’m not looking at poll numbers. What I think Americans at the end of the day are going to be able to go back and look at track records and see who’s more apt to be talking about solutions and wishing for and hoping for solutions for some opportunity to change, and who’s actually done it?”

If Palin were a man, we’d all be guffawing, just as we do every time Joe Biden tickles the back of his throat with his toes. But because she’s a woman – and the first ever on a Republican presidential ticket – we are reluctant to say what is painfully true.

What to do?

McCain can’t repudiate his choice for running mate. He not only risks the wrath of the GOP’s unforgiving base, but he invites others to second-guess his executive decision-making ability. Barack Obama faces the same problem with Biden.

Only Palin can save McCain, her party and the country she loves. She can bow out for personal reasons, perhaps because she wants to spend more time with her newborn. No one would criticize a mother who puts her family first.

Do it for your country.

Published in: on September 27, 2008 at 8:37 am Comments (21)

CE Week #5: “A Bailout for All Our Bad Decisions?”

By Mark Sanford
Friday, September 26, 2008; A23

I am worried for our country — not so much because of the tumult in the financial markets but because of the federal government’s response and its implications.

It seems that each new crisis is met with a new answer from the government. After Hurricane Katrina, the federal government assumed roles traditionally handled by state and local governments. After the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, the government federalized 25,000 workers through the Transportation Security Administration. The example of security-focused countries such as Israel, which elects to have that function handled by the private sector, did not matter. Now, our federal government is likely to commit three-quarters of a trillion dollars — more than last year’s Pentagon budget — to a bailout based on what happened in the credit markets last week.

An ever-expanding scope of federal commitment and power is not what made this country great. Expanded power in one place comes at a cost in other places. American cornerstones such as individual initiative and an entrepreneurial spirit — born in free and open societies with private property rights and the rule of law — have never fit particularly well within the context of an ever-growing federal government.

For 200 years, the “business model” in our country has rested on a simple fact: that while one may reap rewards from taking risks, one should also be prepared to face the consequences of those risks. Some of the proposed actions with regard to the credit market turn that business model on its head — absolving those who took too much risk, or bought too much house, from the weight of their own choices. If Congress passes the proposed bailout, we will be destined to have far greater problems in time, leaving those who are prudent in their finances to foot the bill for those who are not.

I am not writing to criticize Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson. I respect his business judgment greatly, and his unenviable task is to find a short-term solution to problems grown by government over the long term. Whether his proposals are right or wrong is less the issue than the question of where we are, as a society, in terms of having government in the business of protecting people from their own financial decisions.

Last week’s events were rooted in distressed mortgage securities whose optimistic values were facilitated by quasi-governmental entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The investment banking capital write-downs were turbocharged by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, which did what too many laws do — it fixed yesterday’s problem. The amazing expansion of credit was fueled by a Federal Reserve offering an easy-money policy that led us right into a credit bubble. All this was made worse by the government enabling some people’s tendency to want more house than they can afford.

With that bubble popped, we will now go through a major financial de-leveraging. It will be painful. Yet to preserve what has made this country great, we need to be on guard against Washington offering endless cures to our ills.

Many of the “cures” that are soon to be offered will have one thing in common — telling us what others did wrong. Instead of listening to these, each of us as taxpayers must admonish those in Washington to get their own financial house in order. Washington is the master of creative and unsustainable finance, with $50 trillion in unfunded promises.

We will be told of bailouts that “won’t cost anything.” We should caution policymakers that this has never been the history of bailouts, and remind them of Milton Friedman’s suggestion that the capitalist system never works without loss. Investment titans recently featured in Vanity Fair trading $60 million beach homes should never be sheltered from this old-fashioned concept.

We will be told of “temporary” funds and programs. We should remind our leaders of Ronald Reagan’s words that the closest thing to eternal life is a government program.

We will be told “trust us” on pricing assets, and we should not — because no matter how pure one’s intentions, no one watches your money like you do. This makes transparency and open bidding incredibly important.

If we do these things right, we will weather the very rough patch ahead and be better for it as a country. If we do not, there will be more parallels between our nation and Edward Gibbon’s “The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” than we would like to imagine. The difference lies in each of our hands.

Mark Sanford, a Republican, is governor of South Carolina. He represented South Carolina for three terms in the U.S. House and was formerly employed by Goldman Sachs.

CE Week #5: “Biden’s Foot-in-Mouth Disease”

By Jack Kelly

One wonders how Sen. Joe Biden can talk so much with his foot in his mouth.

“We’re not supporting clean coal,” the Democratic vice presidential candidate said while campaigning in Ohio last week. “No coal plants here in America.”

Coal mining is an important industry in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Virginia, all tightly contested states in this election, so Sen. Biden’s remarks were impolitic. Especially so since Sen. Obama supports clean coal technologies.

“Obama’s Department of Energy will enter into public-private partnerships to develop five ‘first of a kind’ commercial scale coal-fired plants with clean carbon capture and sequestration technology,” the Obama-Biden campaign Web site says.

Sen. Obama’s efforts Tuesday to depict Sen. John McCain as too quick to oppose a federal bailout of insurer AIG were undermined when he was reminded by NBC’s Matt Lauer that Sen. Biden had said the same thing on the same day.

“I thought it was terrible,” Sen. Biden told CBS news anchor Katie Couric in an interview broadcast Monday. “If I had anything to do with it, we never would have done it.”

Sen. Biden was referring to an Obama ad that mocked Sen. McCain as an out of touch old fogy because he doesn’t use a computer.

The ad was terrible. (Sen. McCain doesn’t use a computer because his war injuries prevent him from typing on a keyboard). And it testifies to Sen. Biden’s basic decency that he thought so. But there are some opinions you just don’t voice.

In the same interview, Sen. Biden told Ms. Couric: “When the stock market crashed, Franklin Roosevelt got on the television and didn’t just talk about the princes of greed. He said, ‘Look, here’s what happened.’”

Franklin Roosevelt didn’t become president until three years after the stock market crashed in 1929. Television didn’t go into widespread commercial use until years after FDR died in 1945.

Sen. Biden has said something foolish or indiscreet so often the Republican National Committee has started a “Biden Gaffe Clock” to chronicle them all. Can you imagine the media frenzy if it were Sarah Palin who was saying these things?

Sen. Biden wasn’t chosen to provide comic relief. Sen. Obama thought his 35 years in the Senate, most of it on the Foreign Relations Committee, of which he is now chairman, would give the ticket foreign policy credentials Sen. Obama himself lacks.

The most hypocritical of the legion of double standards employed by the news media in this campaign is that a paucity of experience in foreign policy is considered disqualifying in the Republican candidate for vice president, but inconsequential in the Democratic candidate for president.

Sarah Palin’s only claim to experience in national security policy is that as governor of Alaska, she’s head of the state’s National Guard, and she has a son in the Army. That’s mighty thin gruel. Sen. Obama has served on the Senate Foreign Relations committee since coming to the Senatebut hasn’t shown up for many hearings in the last two years. If you think inexperience in foreign policy is a bad thing to have a heartbeat away from the presidency, why is it acceptable to put inexperience directly into the White House?

Gov. Palin has been in public life longer than Sen. Obama. She served four years on the city council in Wasilla, eight years as that town’s mayor, a year as chairman of the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission, and the last 22 months as governor of Alaska.

Sen. Obama served eight years in the Illinois legislature and a little less than four in the U.S. Senate, of which he’s spent most of the last two running for president.

All but four years of Gov. Palin’s public career has been spent in the executive branch. Sen. Obama has no experience in the executive branch, nor any private sector managerial experience except for his role in the failed Chicago Annenberg Challenge, about which he is reluctant to talk because it brings up his association with unrepentant domestic terrorist William Ayers.

As mayor, Sarah Palin managed explosive growth in Wasilla while cutting property tax rates 40 percent. As governor, she worked out a deal to build a natural gas pipeline to the lower 48 that her predecessors had been trying, and failing, to do for 35 years.

Sen. Obama’s tenure in the Illinois legislature was noted chiefly for his having voted “present” a remarkable 130 times. His brief time in the U.S. Senate has been devoid of significant accomplishment.

Sen. Obama argues judgment is more important than experience, and Sen. Biden is living proof that experience without judgment is not a pretty thing.

The most important decision Sen. Obama has had to make as a presidential candidate was his selection of a running mate. He chose Sen. Biden. Inexperience and bad judgment is the worst combination of all.

Copyright 2008, Journal Press Syndicate Inc.

CE Week #5: “Rationalizing Obama’s Defeat”

News & Opinion
Friday, September 26, 2008

You must know the old joke:
A young man returns home from a job interview at a radio station, dejected. His mother sees his sunken face and understands immediately that something has gone wrong.

“My son! The sport’s announcer’s job—you didn’t get it? Nobody knows more about sports than you! How could they reject you?”

The son: “Mom, it was anti-sss …. anti-ssssssss … anti-sssssssssss … anti-SSSSEMMM-itism.”

Democrats are already preparing their excuses for the possible defeat of Barack Obama in November. That was an important column Bob Shrum just wrote. True, the column offers Barack Obama unfortunately little guidance as to how to win the election. But it does offer an all-purpose excuse if Obama should lose: racism. Some might say that five weeks in advance is a little early to be developing rationalizations for defeat. And others might say that a candidate who has consistently led in almost every poll since early summer has little need for rationalizations. But those who say these things do not know the Democratic Party!

Maybe I am unfair here, but to an outsider it seems that Democrats see these quadrennial presidential contests not as trials between two parties with the voters deciding, but as trials of the voters! Are the voters good enough, decent enough, unprejudiced enough to vote Democratic? Or will they succumb to their lower natures and vote Republican?

At the end of Hunter S. Thompson’s book on the 1972 campaign, Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail, Thompson listens to the news reports declaring Richard Nixon’s re-election and thinks: “Okay, we are a nation of used car salesmen.” Not for him the thought that there might have been anything wrong with George McGovern or the party that nominated him! If I fail … it shows there’s something wrong with you.

That mode of thinking is obviously very condescending. Less obviously, it is very self-defeating. Suppose the voters are just as lunk-headed as Thompson and (depending on the outcome) Bob Shrum believe. What follows? Yes, another couple of decades of massive illegal immigration may well create a very different electorate. Until then, however, these are the voters you have got. The only route to political power is through convincing them; abusing them does not help with that work.

Even more counter-productive, the blame-the-voters mindset relieves candidates of responsibility for developing and articulating acceptable policies. Barack Obama faces other challenges in this campaign than his race.

Obama is running as the more pacifist candidate in a country where the more nationalist candidate has won every presidential election since 1816. He is running as the more economically collectivist candidate in a country where the more economically individualist candidate has won seven of the 10 elections since 1964. He is a more remote and inaccessible personality and he has a radically less impressive resume than his rival. His personal story not only lacks the heroism of John McCain’s, but it is punctuated with odd gaps and unanswered questions. Obama still has not delivered a fully plausible account of his relationships with such figures as Bill Ayers and Jeremiah Wright. Perhaps the most immediately damaging fact about Obama’s candidacy, however, was his decision not to reach out to his principal party rival, even though she won very nearly as many Democratic votes as he did.

Obama may be The One. But he is far from a perfect candidate, regardless. And Democrats do neither him nor themselves any favors when the only flaws they can see are the flaws in this democracy’s ultimate decision-makers: their employers, the voters.

— DAVID FRUM, a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, is the author of 6 books, including most recently COMEBACK: Conservatism That Can Win Again. In 2001-2002, he served as speechwriter and special assistant to President George W. Bush. In 2007, he served as senior foreign policy adviser to the Rudy Giuliani presidential campaign. He blogs daily at Frum.NationalReview.com.

Published in: on September 26, 2008 at 11:22 am Comments (5)

CE Week #5: “Our Federal Economy”

September 24, 2008

By George Will

WASHINGTON — Members of Congress are being exhorted to stampede, like lemmings in reverse, away from a postulated cliff. But some of the economic geographers who say they know that the cliff is there, and that the economy will plunge over it if Congress stops to think before empowering the secretary of the Treasury to control the flow of capital through the veins of American capitalism, are some of those experts who said in March that prophylactic federal intervention in the matter of Bear Stearns was necessary to contain the crisis.

Everything that has been done for the last six months has been done to cope with what previous actions were supposed to prevent. A perhaps pertinent axiom: There is no education in the second kick of a mule.

The essence of this crisis is lack of knowledge, including the inability to know who owes what to whom, and where risk resides. In such a moment, government’s speed should not vary inversely with its information. With government’s prestige, measured by approval ratings of the president and Congress, at a historic low, government is taking on unprecedented responsibilities. Henry Paulson, aka The Fourth Branch of Government, is intelligent and indefatigable and has as much pertinent experience as could be hoped for. But no one has ever had much experience that is pertinent to the tasks that would be assigned to him by the three-page legislation that would give him almost complete discretion over at least $700 billion.

Before Congress codifies this, it should consult Article I, Section 1 of the Constitution: “All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.” But since the federal government was transformed into a regulatory state in the 20th century, Congress has routinely delegated essentially legislative powers to the executive branch and independent agencies. This is one reason conservatives regret the growth of government: It entails supplanting the rule of law — laws written by elected representatives — by the rule of rules written in the executive branch.

Rep. Barney Frank, who chairs the House Financial Services Committee, says: “No one in a democracy, unelected, should have $800 billion to spend as he sees fit. … That’s not the way to run a democracy.” Frank is properly punctilious about a fundamental principle of American governance — legislative control of public funds. But a fundamental principle of American political economy is that no elected person should exercise virtually unfettered discretion with such sums of taxpayers’ money.

In 1922, Lenin, attacked from the left.

In 1945 Britain, this meant the stuff of industrialism — iron, steel, coal, railroads, etc. In 1945, Aneurin Bevan, a leading Labour politician, said: “Britain is an island bedded on coal and surrounded by fish; only an organizing genius could produce a coal shortage and a fish shortage simultaneously.” Socialism soon produced that.

Today, the commanding heights of America’s economy are financial services, and regarding them the line between the public and private sectors is being blurred to indistinctness. What is the American equivalent of coal and fish? We might find out.

An enormous range of complex judgments will have to be made about who will decide — and by what criteria — to whom money will be directed, and how to value and price the financial instruments, and the assets behind them, that the government might soon own. But these micro problems, although quite huge, pale next to the macro problem, which is:

This crisis has arrived during the ninth month of a vast demographic deluge — the retirement of 78 million baby boomers. As the population ages, the welfare state — primarily, a transfer-payments pump providing pensions and medical care for the elderly — requires more rapid economic growth to generate increasing revenues. To the extent that today’s crisis results in large amounts of capital being allocated by considerations other than those of economic efficiency, the nation will be consigned to less-than-optimal economic growth.

The next administration, but especially an Obama administration, will chafe under severely narrowed economic restrictions. But subsequent generations will pay the radiating costs of the rising role of the state in allocating financial resources.

georgewill@washpost.com
Copyright 2008, Washington Post Writers Group

CE Week #5: “Media Campaigns Hard for Obama”

September 24, 2008

By Tony Blankley

The mainstream media have gone over the line and are now straight-out propagandists for the Obama campaign.

While they have been liberal and blinkered in their worldview for decades, in 2007-08, for the first time, the major media consciously are covering for one candidate for president and consciously are knifing the other. This is no longer journalism; it is simply propaganda. (The American left-wing version of the Völkischer Beobachter cannot be far behind.)

And as a result, we are less than seven weeks away from possibly electing a president who has not been thoroughly or even halfway honestly presented to the country by our watchdogs — the press. The image of Obama that the press has presented to the public is not a fair approximation of the real man. They consciously have ignored whole years of his life and have shown a lack of curiosity about such gaps, which bespeaks a lack of journalistic instinct.

Thus, the public image of Obama is of a “man who never was.”

I take that phrase from a 1956 movie about a real-life World War II British intelligence operation to trick the Germans into thinking the Allies were going to invade Greece rather than Sicily in 1943. Operation Mincemeat involved the acquisition of a human corpse dressed as “Major William Martin, R.M.,” which was put into the sea near Spain. Attached to the corpse was a briefcase containing fake letters suggesting that the Allied attack would be against Sardinia and Greece.

To make the operation credible, British intelligence concocted a fictional life for the corpse, creating a letter from a lover and tickets to a London theater — all the details of a life, but not the actual life of the dead young man whose corpse was being used. So, too, the man the media have presented to the nation as Obama is not the real man.

The mainstream media ruthlessly and endlessly repeat any McCain gaffes while ignoring Obama gaffes. You have to go to weird little Web sites to see all the stammering and stuttering that Obama needs before getting out a sentence fragment or two. But all you see on the networks is an eventually clear sentence from Obama. You don’t see Obama’s ludicrous gaffe that Iran is a tiny country and no threat to us. Nor his 57 American states gaffe. Nor his forgetting, if he ever knew, that Russia has a veto in the U.N. Nor his whining and puerile “come on” when he is being challenged. This is the kind of editing one would expect from Goebbels’ disciples, not Cronkite’s.

More appalling, a skit on NBC’s “Saturday Night Live” last weekend suggested that Gov. Palin’s husband had sex with his own daughters. That show was written with the assistance of Al Franken, Democratic Party candidate in Minnesota for the U.S. Senate. Talk about incest.

But worse than all the unfair and distorted reporting and image projecting are the shocking gaps in Obama’s life that are not reported at all. The major media simply have not reported on Obama’s two years at New York’s Columbia University, where, among other things, he lived a mere quarter-mile from former terrorist Bill Ayers. Later, they both ended up as neighbors and associates in Chicago. Obama denies more than a passing relationship with Ayers. Should the media be curious? In only two weeks, the media have focused on all the colleges Gov. Palin has attended, her husband’s driving habits 20 years ago, and the close criticism of the political opponents Gov. Palin had when she was mayor of Wasilla, Alaska.

But in two years, they haven’t bothered to see how close Obama was with the terrorist Ayers.

Nor have the media paid any serious attention to Obama’s rise in Chicago politics. How did honest Obama rise in the famously sordid Chicago political machine with the full support of Boss Daley? Despite the great — and unflattering — details on Obama’s Chicago years presented in David Freddoso’s new book on Obama, the mainstream media continue to ignore both the facts and the book. It took a British publication, The Economist, to give Freddoso’s book a review with fair comment.

The public image of Obama as an idealistic, post-race, post-partisan, well-spoken and honest young man with the wisdom and courage befitting a great national leader is a confection spun by a willing conspiracy of Obama, his publicist (David Axelrod) and most of the senior editors, producers and reporters of the national media.

Perhaps that is why the National Journal’s respected correspondent Stuart Taylor wrote, “The media can no longer be trusted to provide accurate and fair campaign reporting and analysis.”

That conspiracy not only has Photoshopped out all of Obama’s imperfections (and dirtied up his opponent McCain’s image) but also has put most of his questionable history down the memory hole.

The public will be voting based on the idealized image of the man who never was. If he wins, however, we will be governed by the sunken, cynical man Obama really is. One can only hope that the senior journalists will be judged as harshly for their professional misconduct as Wall Street’s leaders currently are for their failings.

Copyright 2008, Creators Syndicate Inc.

CE Recovery Week #4: “Close Contests in Four Key States”

Economy Jumps as Top Voter Concern

By Chris Cillizza
washingtonpost.com Staff Writer
Tuesday, September 23, 2008

The presidential race between John McCain and Barack Obama in four key battleground states remains remarkably stable despite a month of politically significant developments, with the Illinois senator running ahead of or even with his Republican rival according to polling conducted by Quinnipiac University for washingtonpost.com and the Wall Street Journal.

In Colorado, Obama takes 49 percent to 45 percent for McCain while in Michigan Obama stands at 48 percent as compared to 44 percent for McCain. The contest in Minnesota, once considered a lock for Obama, is also quite close with Obama at 47 percent and McCain 45 percent. Only in Wisconsin does Obama have an edge — 49 percent to 42 percent — outside the statistical margin of error for the poll.

Those results are remarkably similar to data from July Quinnipiac polls in each of the four states and suggest that despite the massive media coverage surrounding the two parties’ national nominating conventions as well as the vice presidential selections — especially that of Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, which many presumed would alter the campaign’s dynamic — little has changed in the race for the White House.

The upheaval in financial markets has crystallized the importance of the economy in each of the four states where it is, by far, the most important issue for voters. The results are most pronounced in Michigan, whose economy has been badly crippled with the collapse of its manufacturing and auto industries. Nearly six in ten voters in the Wolverine State cited the economy as the most important issue in their vote; the war in Iraq trailed far behind (12 percent) as did energy policy (10 percent). In each of the other three states more than half of voters named the economy as the most critical issue in the election.

The surveys are part of a four-month long effort to measure voter sentiment in key battleground states that could determine the outcome of the race. The path to the presidency runs through a handful of closely contested states, and the four states surveyed in this project provide a snapshot of where things stand with a little more than a month until Election Day.

The stasis in Colorado, Michigan, Minnesota and Wisconsin is reflective of a broader national trend that — after several weeks of considerable fluctuation especially following the choice of Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin as McCain’s running mate — has returned to a ballast point with Obama holding a narrow national edge over McCain in most polling.

The latest Gallup tracking poll released Monday put Obama at 48 percent to 44 percent for McCain while a similar tracking survey from Diageo and the Hotline put Obama at 47 percent and McCain at 42 percent.

The closeness of the contest suggests that the 2008 election could well be a carbon copy of the narrow decisions in 2004 and 2000 when George W. Bush eked out victories over his Democratic challengers thanks to wins in the delegate treasure troves of Ohio and Florida, respectively.

Obama’s efforts to expand the playing field have met with mixed results as he has pulled staff out of several states like Georgia, Alaska and North Dakota but remains competitive in several others that have been Republican redoubts in recent years.

In Colorado, where Democrats have made significant gains at the state and federal level in recent years, Obama looks well positioned to be the first Democrat since Bill Clinton in 1992 to claim the Rocky Mountain State. Democratic Rep. Mark Udall holds a 48 percent to 40 percent edge over former Republican Rep. Bob Schaffer in the state’s open seat Senate race. In the closely contested Minnesota Senate race, GOP Sen. Norm Coleman holds a 49 percent to 42 percent edge over comedian Al Franken.

Virginia, too, looks like a potential pickup for Obama. A new Washington Post survey puts the Illinois Senator at 49 percent while McCain receives 46 percent. If Obama wins the Commonwealth, he would be the first Democrat to do so since Lyndon Johnson in 1964.

While McCain’s pick of Palin — and the resultant flood of press coverage — was painted as a game-changing moment in the campaign, there is a little evidence that the Alaska governor has fundamentally altered the contest.

Nearly six in ten voters in each of the four states said that the vice presidential picks “have little to do with” their presidential vote. That number was highest in Wisconsin (65 percent) and lowest in Colorado (58 percent).

Despite the lack of influence on voting patterns, both Palin and Delaware Sen. Joe Biden were widely regarded as strong picks by voters in all four states. Palin’s high water mark was in Wisconsin where 57 percent said she was a “good choice” while just 33 percent said she had been a “bad choice.” In both Colorado and Minnesota, 52 percent of those tested said Biden had been a “good choice” as vice president.

And, McCain’s attempt to shift his message from one of experience to one of change does not appear to be resonating in the battleground states yet. In each the four states polled nearly twice as many voters said that Obama is the “candidate who will bring change” as say the same of McCain.

McCain does, however, enter the first presidential debate — centered on foreign policy matters — with a clear edge over Obama. More than six in ten voters in each of the four states said McCain “better understands” foreign policy matters — including more than three in ten self-identified Democrats. The debate will take place Friday at the University of Mississippi at 9 p.m. ET.

The four polls were in the field from Sept. 14-21. The sample of likely voters varied by state: Michigan 1,364, Minnesota 1,301, Wisconsin 1,313, Colorado 1,418.

Published in: on September 23, 2008 at 7:41 am Comments (2)

CE Recovery Week #4: “Support Banned Books – Read”

Leonard Pitts Jr.
The Miami Herald
September 22, 2008

Of course, we all have questions for Sarah Palin:

Does she actually think living across the Bering Strait from Russia constitutes foreign policy expertise? Does she really take the parable of Adam and Eve as literal truth? How, exactly, does one field dress a moose? And why would one want to?

My first question, though, would not be one of those. I’d simply ask which books she wants to ban – and why.

Yes, there’s a list of titles floating around the Internet right now, but it’s a fake. It is, however, established fact that our would-be vice president has in the past tried to pull books off library shelves.

The New York Times reports that as a member of the City Council of Wasilla, Alaska, Palin complained to colleagues about a book called “Daddy’s Roommate,” described in promotional material as being “for and about the children of lesbian and gay parents.”

Laura Chase, who ran Palin’s campaign for mayor, explained that the book was harmless and suggested Palin read it.

Chase told the Times that Palin replied she “didn’t need to read that stuff. It was disturbing that someone would be willing to remove a book from the library and she didn’t even read it.”

Later, as mayor, Palin reportedly asked the town’s librarian three times whether she would agree to remove controversial books from the shelves. Three times the librarian refused. Palin fired her, but eventually bowed to public pressure and gave the woman her job back.

“I’m still proud of Sarah,” said Chase, “but she scares the bejeebers out of me.”

And in that context, it seems apropos that next week is Banned Books Week. As you doubtless know, that’s the week set aside each year by the American Library Association to bring attention to attempts by some of us to regulate what others of us may read. The ALA’s Office for Intellectual Freedom reports that it has seen 9,700 “challenges” – a challenge is defined as a formal written request to remove a book from a library because the content offends or is deemed inappropriate — since 1990. Chillingly, the office suggests that’s probably an undercount. It estimates that for every challenge reported, four or five are not.

So Palin has company, to say the least.

Count among that number the woman from a Cuban exile group who bragged to a Miami Herald reporter how in 2006 she checked out and kept an elementary school library book that she felt painted too rosy a picture of life on that communist island. Like Palin, she thought she had good reason. Would-be book banners always do.

I’m reminded of how someone challenged me the other day on my contention that anti-intellectualism has overtaken this land. I mentioned by way of example Palin’s Bible literalism, but really, there’s so much more. There’s the “Jay Walking” segment on Leno. There’s this notion that “elite” is a four-letter word. There’s the White House’s censorship and politicization of science. There’s the recent survey which found that more people can name all five Simpsons than all five freedoms enumerated in the First Amendment.

And there’s this: as many as 50,000 incidents since 1990 in which a book was forced to justify its existence. We’re talking books like “The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn,” books like “The Color Purple,” books like “Harry Potter” and, yes, books like “Daddy’s Roommate,” books that offended because they expressed ideas that made someone uncomfortable. As if any other kind of idea was worth expressing.

We are becoming the stupid giant of planet Earth: richer than Midas, mightier than Thor, dumber than rocks. Which makes us a danger to the planet – and to ourselves. This country cannot continue to prosper and to embrace stupidity. The two are fundamentally incompatible.

So do us all a favor: Annoy Sarah Palin. For goodness’ sake, read.

Published in: on September 22, 2008 at 9:20 pm Comments (6)

CE REcovery Week #4: “A Superior Supreme Court Record”

Linda P. Campbell
Fort Worth Star-Telegram
September 22, 2008

Sure, you sometimes want to shake Joe Biden and shout, “When are you going to get to your question and let the witness speak?”

But can Sarah Palin say she’s helped evaluate the qualifications of every sitting U.S. Supreme Court justice?

Biden, the Democrats’ nominee for vice president, voted on 11 of the last 12 Supreme Court appointees. (He was sick and didn’t vote when the Senate approved Justice Anthony Kennedy 97-0 in 1988.)

Biden voted to approve Republicans as well as Democrats – though he opposed “conservative” heroes Robert Bork, whose nomination failed in 1987, and Clarence Thomas, both of whose hearings were surrounded by ugly and contentious interest-group battles.

It might be surprising to learn that while Biden voted against both of George W. Bush’s appointees, the accomplished and likable John Roberts and longtime appellate Judge Samuel Alito, the 35-year senator voted for Justice Antonin Scalia, who’s been one of the court’s most doctrinaire conservative members.

But Scalia was approved 98-0 in 1986, despite resisting efforts to probe his judicial philosophy, as Democrats focused on opposing (unsuccessfully) Justice William Rehnquist’s elevation to chief.

Unlike Palin, the Republican vice presidential nominee, Biden has a long record to examine for insight into how he might influence the selection of Supreme Court justices.

But there’s more to it than just looking at his votes.

Legal affairs writer Jeffrey Rosen argues that, during the Bork and Thomas hearings, Biden didn’t do the bidding of abortion-rights groups, something for which “women’s groups remain angry at Biden to this day.” Instead, he was interested in a broader concept of privacy, important to most Americans, the idea that the Constitution protects such things as the contraception choices of married couples.

Biden opposed Roberts and Alito in part because he found their answers lacking on the scope of constitutional safeguards for privacy.

Palin, who has a journalism degree, is neither a lawyer nor has she taught constitutional law, like Biden.

But in Alaska, the governor selects judges from a committee’s recommendations, and the appointees later run in retention elections.

In her less than two years as governor, Palin has appointed 13 judges, including a state Supreme Court justice, Joe Palazzolo and Tony Mauro wrote recently on law.com.

They reported that Palin asked at least one candidate whether the Constitution is a living, breathing document – a bugaboo for those like Scalia who favor an “original intent” approach to constitutional interpretation.

On the other hand, liberals might give Palin points for supporting a $200,000 appropriation for the Alaska Legal Services Corp., given that Republicans do not have a history of particularly favoring legal services agencies.

Nowhere is the vice president charged with helping pick Supreme Court members, but the last two VPs have been heavily involved. The next president almost surely will name one or more justices.

I’m not convinced that hopes or fears about how the next president might shape the Supreme Court should decide which candidate to choose.

Keep in mind that it’s easier to predict the volatile and divisive issues likely to come before the court in the short term – property rights, the death penalty, business regulations, etc. – than those likely to be thrust upon them unexpectedly: Bush v. Gore, anyone? Detainees’ rights?

Also consider that it’s been the Supreme Court that’s checked the Bush administration’s power-grabbing attempts and managed to maintain the Constitution’s balances.

Rosen wrote in The New Republic that, “with Biden at his side, (Barack) Obama has more than a like-minded defender of civil liberties; he has one of the nation’s most effective spokesmen on their behalf.”

Can McCain-Palin say as much?

Published in: on at 9:18 pm Comments (0)

CE Recovery Week #4: “It’s going to be a great debate”

Friday evening in Oxford, Miss., Barack Obama and John McCain will meet in the first presidential debate of 2008, and this dramatic campaign will in all likelihood reach another turning point.

The matchup could have come much earlier, but Obama turned down McCain’s invitation to join in a series of joint town hall meetings during the summer. That would have allowed both men to ease into personal confrontation with relatively small audiences and similarly modest stakes.

Now, they meet with terribly high expectations on both of them and little room for error. McCain, after enjoying a brief boost in his fortunes from the Republican convention and the unveiling of Sarah Palin, has fallen back into his pre-convention position, lagging slightly behind. Obama still is unable to lock down 270 electoral votes because he is falling well short of the lead that Democrats enjoy generically over the Republican opposition this year.

Obama is known for his eloquence, while McCain often struggles even when given a decent script to read. That creates an expectation that the Democrat ought to dominate when the two men are directly compared.

But when I discussed the coming debate with one of the Democrats’ experienced debate handlers – a man who helped prepare Hillary Clinton for the primary debates and is advising Obama – he said, “No matter what others say, I think this is a very even matchup.”

McCain, he said, has developed a knack for answering questions with flat, simple declarative sentences, conveying a sense of candor and strength. Obama, on the other hand, often starts slowly and finishes with a more complex, if sophisticated, answer. That made McCain the clear winner when they did back-to-back sessions with pastor Rick Warren.

When I bounced these comments off a Republican counterpart to the man just quoted, he was derisive. “That’s spin,” he said. “McCain has lots of strengths, but verbally, he’s not in the same league as Obama. This will be a severe test for him.”

Looking back at the performance of the two men during their primary debates, the proposition that they are evenly matched looks quite plausible.

McCain began his revival last year with a strong performance in a Republican debate in New Hampshire. Throughout the spring, he was usually at least the second-best man on the stage, outdone by the folksy and humorous Mike Huckabee but clearly more comfortable and assertive than Mitt Romney, Fred Thompson, Rudy Giuliani and the others.

Except for Romney, McCain was rarely directly challenged in the way that Obama will test him; the other Republicans paid tribute to his character and treated him with kid gloves. So his struggles to maintain his composure and avoid personal attacks on Romney suggest a potential vulnerability in the Arizona senator. When Obama bluntly questions McCain’s positions, the Arizona senator may have difficulty staying cool.

On the other hand, Obama did not win the Democratic nomination by dominating the debates. In the early ones, when the stage was full, he lacked the verbal or physical tools to stand out from the crowd. More often than not, it was Hillary Clinton or John Edwards who made the strongest impression on the cameras and the audience. And when Clinton and Obama met one-on-one, she won most of the confrontations and the subsequent primaries.

The scheduled topic for the first debate is national security. We know that McCain will fault Obama for his opposition to the “surge” strategy, and Obama will question why McCain was an enthusiastic backer of the Iraq war, which Obama opposed from the start.

But the real test for both men is different than this argument. To win the election – and not just this debate – McCain must somehow convince voters that he would be fundamentally different from George Bush, whose policies and methods have been overwhelmingly rejected.

To win the election – and not just the debate – Obama must show enough of himself that voters come to believe that despite not being able to identify with aspects of his exotic life story, they can trust him to look out for their interests as president.

Those are very different challenges. Neither candidate has an easy task. That is what makes this debate so intriguing.

Published in: on September 21, 2008 at 11:45 am Comments (4)

CE Recovery Week #4: “Candidates’ styles on display amid crises”

Reactions offer ‘insight into the real person behind the ads’

Related stories

Elections – Presidential

WASHINGTON – One is hot; the other cool. One is a man of quick action; the other a man of abiding caution. One claims the role of national maverick; the other hopes to play the role of national mediator.

The choice between Sen. John McCain and Sen. Barack Obama is not only between contrasting parties and policies, it’s also between two markedly different styles of leadership.

Those contrasts were sharply evident Friday as the presidential candidates sought to show how they would lead the nation through its latest harrowing financial crisis.

McCain heatedly called on the Federal Reserve to stop bailing out big financial firms, proposed a new agency to “fix them before they become insolvent,” and he vowed to stamp out “corruption and unbridled greed” on Wall Street. Obama announced that he had decided not to issue a financial rescue plan – because he wanted to give the Bush administration a chance to work out a bipartisan solution without political interference.

“It’s about their leadership styles,” said Stanley A. Renshon, a scholar of the presidency who is also a psychiatrist. “McCain is a man of trying to do things. Obama is a man who tends to act cautiously and prudently. … It’s not that one approach is necessarily better. They both come with advantages and risks.”

This week’s debate over the financial crisis wasn’t the only time those differences have come to the fore.

When Russian troops invaded neighboring Georgia last month, McCain immediately denounced Russia and demanded a withdrawal. “We are all Georgians,” he declared. Obama urged both sides to show restraint and did not initially condemn the Russian action – although he later issued a statement chiding Russia.

Even Hurricane Gustav, which swept across the Gulf Coast three weeks ago, brought different responses. McCain detoured to Mississippi to tour the state’s Emergency Management Agency; Obama stayed away, saying a sudden visit might “draw resources away from folks on the ground.”

The candidates’ snap reactions to unexpected events can offer “an insight into the real person behind the campaign ads,” said Michael A. Genovese, an expert on presidential leadership at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. “How do they respond to rapidly changing events? How well can they think on the run?”

And their responses to the financial meltdown have been particularly interesting, scholars said, because neither candidate is an acknowledged expert on economic regulation. McCain acted first but suffered several false starts. On Monday, he declared that “the fundamentals of our economy are strong.” On Tuesday, he said the economy, while strong, was in “crisis” and said he opposed a federal bailout of insurance giant American International Group. On Wednesday, after the federal government announced it would take over AIG, he said the action was unavoidable. On Thursday, he said he’d fire the chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, Christopher Cox. (The president can’t fire the SEC chairman, and the White House said President Bush had confidence in Cox [It is an Independent Regulatory Agency and as such the President must have cause to fire its secretary].) On Friday, after Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson announced a broader bailout plan, McCain outlined his own.

Obama, on the other hand, took fewer clear positions, though he did lambaste McCain for calling the economy strong. He initially avoided passing judgment on the planned takeover of AIG and left it to a campaign spokesman to explain later that the candidate “does not second-guess the Fed’s decision.” By the end of the week, he declared his support for the Bush administration’s efforts to solve the problem, but added that any solution for Wall Street “must also help Main Street as well.”

On the surface, the candidates’ responses merely tracked their campaign’s major themes. McCain has been trying to establish his independence from Bush and to cast himself as a populist reformer – hence, it would seem, his attacks on Bush’s SEC chairman and on the proposal to bail out AIG. Obama has been trying to reassure nervous voters that a 47-year-old first-term senator has the experience and gravitas to lead the nation – hence, his deference to the Treasury and the Federal Reserve, even though they are led by Republican appointees.

“For challengers, reassurance is fundamental,” said Tad Devine, a strategist for the unsuccessful Democratic campaign of Massachusetts Sen. John F. Kerry in 2004. “People are frightened. … Obama needs to reassure them on his capacity to be president and manage the nation’s economy.”

But Renshon, who teaches at City University of New York, sees deeper reflections of the candidates’ styles in their reactions this week.

McCain, he noted, has frequently rebelled against established orthodoxy, especially in his own party. Obama, he said, is more cautious – and more likely to stick with his party’s usual position. In this case, Renshon said, “McCain is saying: ‘The big guys are against you, and I’ve never liked them anyway.’ There’s an element of outrage in what he says.”

Citing McCain’s call for Cox to be fired, which the Wall Street Journal pronounced “unpresidential,” Renshon said, “He is so far out in front in what he’s saying that he sometimes throws prudence to the wind – not in the sense that he’s reckless, but in the sense that he’ll take risks.”

Obama, he noted, has often been characterized as reluctant to commit to a position. “He sometimes appears to favor both sides of a proposition as he listens and talks to people. You don’t always know where he is. He’s his own inkblot,” he said. “In a campaign, that’s magnified by the anxiety of making a false move. If he comes out too far in front of anything, he’ll get hammered.”

CE Recovery Week #4: “Al-Qaida video misses Sept. 11, stirring speculation”

Related stories

War on Terrorism

CAIRO, Egypt – Al-Qaida threatened major new attacks in Afghanistan and dismissed setbacks in Iraq, vowing to continue its fight in a video marking the Sept. 11 attacks, released Friday more than a week after the anniversary.

The lag in release, apparently due to problems in militant Web sites where al-Qaida posts its videos, raised questions among counterterror specialists over whether the terror network’s propaganda machine was faltering.

The delay deflated what is usually a media splash for al-Qaida. In previous years, it released a string of videos on the attacks’ anniversary, featuring leaders trumpeting triumphs. Osama bin Laden spoke in one last year, making his first appearance in nearly three years.

Al-Qaida had promised a similar event this year, announcing in a Sept. 8 Web advertisement that it would release a video that would bring joy to its followers.

But soon after, the Islamic militant Web forums traditionally used by al-Qaida to post such videos went down and have remained off. The reason is not known.

The 90-minute video, titled “The Results of Seven Years of Crusades,” was finally released Friday, according to two U.S. groups that monitor militant messages.

It features speeches by bin Laden’s top deputy, Ayman al-Zawahri, and other top figures in the terror network, as well as the final testament of Ahmed al-Ghamdi, one of the hijackers in the Sept. 11 attack.

The problems in posting the anniversary video, usually the most eagerly awaited among al-Qaida’s sympathizers, raised eyebrows.

“The late timing is certainly curious since they made such a big deal of the announcement,” said Evan F. Kohlman, director of Globalterroralert.com, a private terrorism research group.

“They made it seem this was something big, but in the end it turned out to be all bark and no bite,” he told the Associated Press. “They could be having problems in the production line.”

Analysts have long seen al-Qaida’s media arm, Al-Sahab, as a key tool for rallying the network’s followers and sympathizers, churning out videos and audios even though top leaders are in hiding, apparently in the mountainous border regions of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

David Heyman, at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, pointed to recent Pakistani military sweeps in the border region. “It’s possible some of those (personnel or facilities) associated with video production have been damaged or destroyed,” he said.

CE Recovery Week #4: “Politics of economics in flux”

WASHINGTON – Historic. Breathtaking. Revolutionary.

It would be hard to find a superlative that would overstate how much the parameters and contours of American economic policy have been reshaped over the past two weeks.

The degree of government intervention into the workings of the private marketplace is unprecedented. Three giant financial institutions taken over directly. Government purchases of vast quantities of hard-to-sell assets from banks, investment banks and anyone else whose demise might threaten the financial system. Trading outlawed in an entire class of securities. A government guarantee extended to a whole new category of investments.

Laws have been stretched until they are barely recognizable – like the one, from the days of the gold standard, that authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to buy and sell the precious metal, now used to authorize a wholly new insurance program for money-market funds.

Roles have been expanded beyond anything that could have been imagined only weeks ago, like the central bank taking control of a giant insurance company.

And tossed aside have been longstanding conventions, such as the quaint ideal that independent agencies such as the Securities and Exchange Commission, and the Federal Reserve should keep a proper distance from the executive branch.

The amount of taxpayer money committed, or about to be committed, to this rescue effort is staggering – easily a trillion dollars, when all the loans, purchases and guarantees are added up. While most if not all of that is likely to be returned to the Treasury, it still represents a massive shift of liability to the balance sheet of the U.S. government.

All that, to save free-market capitalism from its own excesses.

It should tell you something about the critical condition of the financial system that both free-market zealots of the right and angry populists of the left may be willing to put aside ideology and commit themselves to speedy passage of legislation whose details they have yet to see, but the mere prospect of such legislation drove the Dow Jones industrial average up 700 points over two days. Emerging from meeting Thursday night at the Capitol with top officials of the Treasury, the Fed and the SEC, congressional leaders looked like deer caught in the headlights of an oncoming eighteen-wheeler.

It is an exaggeration, and a journalistic cliche, to say that after the events of the past two weeks, the U.S. economy will never be the same. Despite the record volume and volatility on financial markets, stock prices and benchmark interest rates have pretty much returned to where they were. And in most households, and most companies outside of Wall Street, life goes on pretty much as usual. Moreover, officials have taken pains to emphasize that most of the recent initiatives are temporary.

But in terms of the political economy, there is little doubt we are witnessing a once-in-a-generation sea change. It will no longer be an easy applause line for a politician to declare that government is the problem and that markets always know better than regulators and politicians. With Bear Stearns and AIG as their rallying cry, citizens will demand the same kind of financial security and protection as bondholders of big banks and counter-parties of hedge funds. Debates about the competitiveness of U.S. markets will focus less on how little regulated they are and more on how much protection and transparency they offer to investors. It will be harder to deny essential government agencies the talent, money and respect they need to do the job right.

An interesting comparison can be made between Hurricane Katrina and the current financial crisis, which symbolically has now stranded a number of rich investors on the roofs of their mansions, crying out to the government to be rescued.

When we look back, we may find that this crisis, like Katrina, was a turning point in public perceptions and expectations of government – about its competence in dealing with inevitable crises and its ability to take steps ahead of time to assure that the damage is limited and the most vulnerable are protected.

No doubt there will be those who see in this crisis further proof of the inevitable decline of the United States as a world economic power. In fact, it may be just the opposite. The wild swings over the past week in financial markets from Moscow to Mumbai, were only the most recent reminder of the increasingly global nature of capital flows and the risks of financial contagion. They also were a reminder that, in times of stress, global investors still seek refuge in the safety of the U.S. dollar, U.S. Treasuries and the skillful crisis management of U.S. policy makers.

Now U.S. taxpayers have been asked to come to the aid of banks and financial institutions that, while nominally American, have long since become global players. Meanwhile, foreign banks and investors are also benefiting significantly from the U.S. government initiatives. While that is the burden that comes with being the world’s leading economic power, it raises the question of whether some of the costs and risks of our trillion-dollar rescue should be shared with other countries, through the International Monetary Fund.

Oh, and stay tuned. The weekend has only just begun.

CE Recovery Week #4: “Palin, Obama rouse concerns”

In a rational world, this presidential election would be between Hillary Clinton and John McCain, with their respective running mates Barack Obama and (maybe) Sarah Palin.

But we do not live in a rational world. We live in a world of emotional excess and so are left to ponder the qualifications of two relatively young, relatively inexperienced candidates – even if one of them isn’t running for president.

Confession: I love Barack Obama and I love Sarah Palin – both for different reasons. They both also scare me to death.

I love Obama for his style, grace, intellect and his way with words. I want the healing power that an Obama presidency could deliver to this country.

I love Palin for her chutzpah, courage, maverickness and her authenticity. As a woman, I want her to be fantastic. I want her to expose the fraudulence of identity politics and show the world that Woman is not just one thing.

But my inner eye is watching. And my inner voice is saying: These are not good enough reasons. I worry.

I worry that Obama isn’t serious enough about terrorism and free markets. I worry about his out-of-touchness with the people who, he says, cling to guns and religion because of frustration and anger. I worry about a worldview that may have been shaped in part by a spiritual mentor who damns America in church and thinks the government invented the AIDS virus to kill blacks.

I worry about Obama’s over-intellectualizing – that he will get lost in a maze of deep thoughts and fail to be decisive when necessary.

I worry that Sarah Palin won’t set foot in that maze.

I worry that she won’t intellectualize enough. I worry about her certitude and her slight offness. Whatever her charms, anyone in public office who thinks out loud about banning books might be missing some aces in her deck.

I worry about a worldview that might have been shaped in part by a minister who believes that Alaska someday will be home to Christian renegades arriving for the Rapture.

I do not worry about her small-town values, which are mostly Main Street’s values. Or even her social conservatism, which is driving Democrats insane. Most Americans are more worried about a crumbling economy and the next terrorist attack than they are about what motivates Palin to have a baby others would abort.

Even were Palin to become president and be in a position to fill Supreme Court openings with pro-life justices, the likelihood that Roe v. Wade would be overturned is slim. Such a dramatic shift in U.S. law would require an unlikely alignment of stars, including Senate confirmation of the nominees. Moreover, it is not clear that Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito would line up with such a campaign.

With so much to worry about, we are left with two not-great choices that, frankly, do not lend themselves to sound sleep. There is still much to know about Palin and not much time to know it. Was she the most qualified person in McCain’s field of running mates?

Clearly not. There was once a man named Mitt Romney who might have been handy to have around as the economy collapses.

Is Obama the most qualified Democrat to deal with global terrorism and an array of domestic issues that have confounded many more experienced politicians? Not really. Clinton surpassed him and every other candidate in nearly every debate, but she couldn’t pierce the impenetrable aura that surrounded Obama.

How did we get in this mess? All together now: It’s Bush’s fault.

George W. Bush created The Phenomenon Known as Barack Obama. If you fed data describing Bush into a computer and commanded the machine to create his opposite, Obama would emerge.

As for Palin, thanks be to Obama. He passed on Clinton and then McCain stole the ball. In a political season of feminist angst, Palin was a rimless swish.

In a final bit of irony, those who have attacked Palin may ensure her victory.

Challenging Palin on her policies and her public record is legitimate. But when self-identified feminists call Palin a “cutthroat Texas cheerleader stage mom(s)” and ideologically a “hardcore pornographic centerfold spread” – just to pull a few recent comments – they hurt their cause and their own candidate.

Whatever happens, we may deserve what we get. On the other hand, maybe there’s still time to wise up: Obama boots Biden and taps Clinton; McCain dumps Palin and picks Romney (Can you say “October Surprise”?). It’s a concept.

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CE Recovery Week #4: “The GOP Brand – It’s hot again”

by Fred Barnes
09/29/2008, Volume 014, Issue 03

It took Conservatives in Great Britain a decade to restore their party’s good name. It is taking Republicans a far shorter time–perhaps only two years–to begin a significant comeback. Who’s responsible? For sure, John McCain and Sarah Palin have played major roles. But so has a Republican who was one of the causes of the party’s decline–President Bush.

Republicans suffered from the same ailment as the Tories. In the minds of millions of voters who once supported them, Republicans had become the political equivalent of socially unacceptable people. They were disliked, personally as well as politically. Republicans had no one but themselves to blame.

The Tories lost three elections before changing the face of their party with new leaders who stressed fresh issues (while muting but not abandoning their core conservative principles). In 2006, Republicans lost Congress and numerous statehouses. Now McCain and Palin have supplanted President Bush and Vice President Cheney as the party’s leaders. They’re stressing a pair of new issues: political reform and fixing a “broken” Washington. Actually, those may be a single issue.

Voters have responded to that and other Republican changes. Aside from an election, the best test of how voters feel about a party is whether they regard it and its leaders favorably or unfavorably. As recently as last June, an NBC/Wall Street Journal poll found voters with a 28 percent positive/47 percent negative attitude toward Republicans. By September, after the Republican convention, that had changed to 40 percent positive/43 percent negative.

Other polls have registered a similar improvement. According to Pew Research, half of America’s registered voters have a favorable opinion of Republicans (55 percent are favorable to Democrats). Among independents, Pew found that 50 percent look positively on Republicans, 49 percent on Democrats–a gain for Republicans of 18 percentage points since August.

As remarkable as those poll numbers are, they’re just that, poll numbers, not election results. But they do suggest that Republicans are no longer the pariahs they were in 2006 and indeed earlier this year. That alone is an accomplishment.

“The Republican brand had taken a huge hit,” says Neil Newhouse of Public Opinion Strategies (POS). “The convention helped change the brand of the party from George Bush to John McCain.”

In a POS survey in September, Bush’s approval rating improved to 35 percent. McCain, however, has a favorable rating of 56 percent (Barack Obama’s is 54 percent). And Palin has the highest rating of any vice presidential pick since Bill Clinton chose Al Gore in 1992. She and Gore tied at 47 percent.

Palin is not only viewed more favorably than Joe Biden, Obama’s running mate (40 percent), in an NBC/WSJ poll, she towers over the only other woman chosen to run for vice president, Geraldine Ferraro. Ferraro’s average rating in September 1984 was 29 percent.

These poll results show one thing clearly: Popular leaders with a (partly) new agenda and new talking points are driving the improvement in the Republican image. But this effect, hyped by the successful convention, may fade, at least a bit.

Other factors have also been crucial in the Republican rise. Recall what caused the party to tank in 2006: corruption and scandal in Congress, excessive spending, a losing war in Iraq, unpopular leaders. The party had a bad odor.

Those problems either don’t exist any more or aren’t as significant in 2008. Congressional Republicans who were caught up in scandal or outright crimes are gone or soon to leave. The one exception is Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska, who is under indictment and awaiting trial as he runs for reelection. Yet he’s running even with his Democratic opponent.

Republicans haven’t cured their addiction to earmarks, which have become the symbol of wasteful spending in Washington. But their new leaders are on the right side of the earmark issue. McCain has long opposed earmarks, and Palin, as Alaska governor, gets credit for killing the most egregious earmark of all, the infamous Bridge to Nowhere in Ketchikan.

In Iraq, the course of the war has been reversed and victory is now in sight. The public still believes, by roughly a 2-1 margin, that the war was a mistake. But the vastly improved situation in Iraq has made the war far less of an issue than it was in 2006 and far less of a drag on Republican candidates.

Republicans aren’t close to reaching the enviable position of the Tories. Polls in England have consistently given the Tories nearly a 20-point lead over Labour for months. Conservatives won a landslide victory in local elections last May. A national election may not come until 2010, though it could be called earlier.

While McCain may win the presidency, Republicans aren’t likely to recapture either the Senate or the House. Their aim is to cut their losses–to fewer than 10 in the House and 3 or 4 in the Senate–and hope for better times in 2010. With their new and improved brand, they have at least a shot at this.

It may seem far-fetched, but President Bush has helped. As Democrats have tried to tie McCain to him, Bush has mostly stayed out of the limelight. And then there’s the surge in Iraq. Had Bush not ordered it, the situation in Iraq would probably be a bloody mess and an American defeat. And Republicans would still be suffering.

Fred Barnes is executive editor of THE WEEKLY STANDARD.

© Copyright 2008, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.

CE Recovery Week #4: “McCain’s Objective in the 1st Debate”

If…
Which candidate will keep his head?
by William Kristol
09/29/2008, Volume 014, Issue 03

“If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs .  .  . ,” then you could be the next president.

When John McCain was young, English teachers everywhere were seeing to it that their charges memorized Rudyard Kipling’s “If.” McCain seems to have taken the poem to heart–especially over the last couple of years.

McCain kept his head and refused to throw in the towel in Iraq at the end of 2006. He kept his head and defended the surge when other Republicans were going wobbly early in 2007. He kept his head and pushed forward with his campaign when it was being written off in the summer of 2007. He kept his head and made key changes when his campaign seemed to be floundering a few months ago. And he kept his head and took advantage of the opening Barack Obama provided by not picking Hillary Clinton when he made the bold selection of Sarah Palin as his running mate.

This past week, though, McCain seemed to lose his head in reaction to the admittedly head-spinning financial news. First he said the economic fundamentals were strong; then he emphasized that it was a really bad crisis. First he sounded calm and deliberate; then he called, without really explaining why, for the firing of SEC chairman Christopher Cox. First he said we shouldn’t bail out AIG; then he said it was reasonable to bail out AIG. First he emphasized that this was a time for bipartisanship; then he unleashed attacks on Barack Obama and the Democrats.

All in all, it was a poor week for the McCain campaign (though the candidate did begin to right the ship with a sensible speech Friday morning in Green Bay). To be fair, the right response to the financial crisis wasn’t so clear, either substantively or politically. Obama played it smart by basically doing and saying nothing–and simply seized on McCain’s mistakes. McCain’s flailing allowed the Obama campaign, which had been off balance for almost a month, to regain its footing.

But that was last week. This week features the first debate, Friday night (Sept. 26th) in Oxford, Mississippi. When an incumbent is running for reelection, history suggests that, by the time of the debates, all but a few voters will have already made their minds up. This year there’s no incumbent, and the debates will be watched by many voters (perhaps as many as 20 percent) who remain undecided or have only a weak preference.

Think of recent nonincumbent elections: 2000, 1988, 1976, 1968, and 1960. (I’m counting 1976 as “nonincumbent” because it was the first time Ford was on a national ballot.) There was no debate in 1968, but in three of the other four elections, the debates made a difference: Gore’s bizarre performance in the first debate in 2000 allowed Bush to open up a lead which he (barely) managed to hold despite a terrible closing week. Ford’s error on the status of Poland in the second debate in 1976 slowed his comeback sufficiently to allow Carter to hang on. And Kennedy’s ability to thrust and parry evenly with Nixon (and to look better on television while doing so) may have made the difference in 1960. Even in 1988, the only recent not-close nonincumbent race, Dukakis’s answer to Bernard Shaw’s question about an attack on his wife probably sealed his fate.

Friday night’s debate is supposed to focus on foreign policy. Obama has the easier task. As the less experienced candidate, trailing already in polls on the question of who is more trusted in foreign policy, he wins by holding his own, or coming close to holding his own. The Obama campaign’s theory is that if Obama can be reassuringly sound and plausibly acceptable as a potential commander in chief, he’ll win the election, given all the other advantages he has this year. Their model is 1980, when a relaxed and confident Reagan sparred comfortably with Carter in their one debate of that campaign, reassured voters he wasn’t too risky a choice, and then surged to an easy victory in a year of change.

McCain has a trickier task Friday night. He’ll be tempted to tout his foreign policy experience. But claims of wisdom based on experience alone tend not to impress the American people–(viz. Al Gore in 2000, George H. W. Bush in 1992, Jimmy Carter in 1980, passim). Instead, McCain needs to alarm voters about Obama’s dovishness–reminding them of his opponent’s misjudgment of the surge, for example–and tie around his neck all the stupidities of the woolly-minded Democratic party. He might want to mention in this context Biden’s rich career of misjudgments on foreign policy (against Reagan’s defense buildup, against the first Gulf war, flip-flopping on Iraq, silly talk on Iran–and more!), and cite the tough words uttered not so long ago about Obama’s naïveté and weakness by the woman Obama passed over as his running mate.

Of course McCain will need to lay out his own vision of a tough and principled foreign policy. For each of his 45 minutes of the debate Friday night, McCain will have to (quoting Kipling once again) “fill the unforgiving minute / With sixty seconds’ worth of distance run.”

We expect him to come through and to lay the groundwork for the real fireworks six days later–when Sarah Palin confronts Joe Biden on pay-per-view!

–William Kristol

© Copyright 2008, News Corporation, Weekly Standard, All Rights Reserved.

IF…..

IF you can keep your head when all about you
Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you,
But make allowance for their doubting too;
If you can wait and not be tired by waiting,
Or being lied about, don’t deal in lies,
Or being hated, don’t give way to hating,
And yet don’t look too good, nor talk too wise:
If you can dream – and not make dreams your master;
If you can think – and not make thoughts your aim;
If you can meet with Triumph and Disaster
And treat those two impostors just the same;
If you can bear to hear the truth you’ve spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken,
And stoop and build ‘em up with worn-out tools:

If you can make one heap of all your winnings
And risk it on one turn of pitch-and-toss,
And lose, and start again at your beginnings
And never breathe a word about your loss;
If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew
To serve your turn long after they are gone,
And so hold on when there is nothing in you
Except the Will which says to them: ‘Hold on!’

If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,
‘ Or walk with Kings – nor lose the common touch,
if neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you,
If all men count with you, but none too much;
If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds’ worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that’s in it,
And – which is more – you’ll be a Man, my son!

Kipling

CE Recovery Week #4: “Bailout cost: higher than you think”

Intervention buoys the financial sector at a time when consolidation is what the economy needs.

Colin Barr, senior writer
Last Updated: September 19, 2008: 5:32 PM EDT

FORTUNE (New York) — Henry Paulson and Ben Bernanke have saved us, for now, from a market meltdown – but at the cost of allowing the folks who caused the current crisis to keep ducking reality.

In the long run, guess who gets to bear that cost?

The Treasury secretary and Federal Reserve chairman have spent September dashing off blank check after blank check in a bid to quell turbulent markets. Since Sept. 5, the feds have pledged $200 billion to shore up mortgage giants Fannie Mae (FNM, Fortune 500) and Freddie Mac (FRE, Fortune 500), $85 billion to prop up insurer AIG (AIG, Fortune 500), and $50 billion to guarantee money-market funds.

Then there are the untold sums the U.S. might spend under the plan Paulson unveiled Friday to set up a bad bank to relieve institutions of their troubled mortgage assets. And let’s not forget the hundreds of billions the Fed has poured into the markets in the name of maintaining liquidity.

Even in a U.S. economy that produces $14 trillion worth of goods and services a year (Remember our discussions on debt vs. GDP?), that’s a lot of cash.

Spending all that money, sooner or later, will intensify long-standing questions about the nation’s fiscal health, possibly at the expense of another drop in the value of the dollar.

“We’re going to be sorting this out for years,” says Howard Simons, a strategist at Bianco Research in Chicago who questions the blitz of taxpayer spending on programs that haven’t even been debated in Congress.

Ultimately, what could prove to be the most expensive aspect of the bailout spree is the message the government is sending to firms in which the market has lost confidence. Prudent management, it seems, will be punished, while the status quo – however unhealthy – must be maintained at all costs.

The strong stock-market rally of the past two days aside, intervention that fails to foster a shakeout of weaker firms will only delay the reckoning that must occur before a sustainable economic recovery can take shape.

“We continue to believe that the financial sector is in need of massive consolidation because the sector simply has too much lending capacity left over from the credit bubble,” Merrill Lynch investment strategist Rich Bernstein writes Friday. “History shows well that consolidation is the primary driver of post-bubble economies.”

The upside to down

Though the free fall in financial shares over recent weeks wasn’t pretty to watch, it had the sanguine effect of forcing businesses with questionable fundamentals to confront an uncertain future. Take the case of Merrill Lynch (MER, Fortune 500) chief John Thain.

Thain took over at the struggling broker last November, promising to “continue to grow Merrill’s global business and add value to our customers and our shareholders.” He then spent 10 months recognizing more than $50 billion in losses, mostly on risky mortgage-related debt gone bad, and raising almost $30 billion in new capital, in a furious fight to keep the 94-year-old firm independent.

But in the meantime, the market was concluding that Merrill and its rivals at Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley (MS, Fortune 500) and Goldman Sachs (GS, Fortune 500) were pursuing a business model – the standalone trading firm that borrows heavily in the short-term debt markets – that makes no sense in an era of risk aversion and rising funding costs.

Thain, after a game fight, conceded to the market’s view Monday, when Merrill – facing the prospect of a run on its shares after Lehman imploded – agreed to sell itself to Bank of America (BAC, Fortune 500) for $44 billion in stock.

Thain, of course, had seen his peer Dick Fuld run Lehman Brothers into the ground by refusing to accept the low-ball offers of potential partners, a stand that ended up putting thousands of Lehman workers out of work. Thain chose instead to take a deal that likely saved most of Merrill’s 60,000-plus workers.

And yet now – with the feds organizing a bailout and banning short-selling, the practice of betting against a company in the stock market – Thain’s decisiveness seems misplaced. Rather than acknowledging economic reality and selling his firm, he could have waited for a handout and Merrill could have lived to see another day, it now appears.

Dodging the tough calls

Thain’s rivals seem to be reaping the rewards of expanded federal largesse. Morgan Stanley, after plunging as low as $16 a share in panicked trading Wednesday afternoon, has recovered to the low $30s, possibly forestalling the need for the firm to find a merger partner such as Wachovia (WB, Fortune 500). CEO John Mack, who responded to his firm’s plunge with a memo to employees blaming short-sellers, surely likes the way this week has turned out.

But for the rest of us, the feds’ rush to defend teetering financial firms only defers the tough decisions that will need to be made before this crisis subsides – at the expense, perhaps, of repeating Japan’s so-called lost decade of economic stagnance after its property bubble collapsed around 1990.

History shows that setting up bad banks without forcing financial firms’ managers to confront their problems won’t solve anything.

“This seems to us,” Bernstein writes, “to be a very Japanese approach to solving a credit crisis.”  To top of page

CE Recovery Week #4: “What States Are Really in Play?”

September 17, 2008

By Richard Baehr

The McCain convention bump seems to be subsiding, and the tracking polls suggest the national race is back almost dead even. Part of the recent movement may well be attributable to the financial crisis gripping Wall Street, and the fact that for not the first time, a sensible McCain statement on the economy is being distorted by Obama and his many media flacks as evidence that the Arizona Senator is out of touch.

The fundamentals of the US economy are strong, as McCain argued: 94% of workers are employed, inflation last month was 0.1% (the big drop in oil prices of over $55 a barrel helps, saving consumers between $20 and $30 billion each month), and GDP grew by over 3% last quarter. When Franklin Roosevelt took office and said the only thing we have to fear is fear itself, he was applauded for his statesmanship and leadership.

A leader in a time of crisis tries to settle the ship and restore confidence. That is what John McCain is doing, but he gets no points for it. You are supposed to walk among the unemployed, and show that you share their pain, and charge that their problems are caused by George Bush, or this year, Bush-McCain. That is what Barack Obama does, and for this, he gets the attention and approval of the punditry hacks or giants (pick one) like Joe Klein and Frank Rich.

In terms of political momentum, when the topic being debated is national security or social issues and values, McCain benefits. When the topic is a souring economy or financial crisis, Obama wins. So this week, it is Obama’s week to ride with the tide.

One of the reasons the Obama campaign has been so flummoxed by Sarah Palin is that every day Palin is the story, which she has been for close to two weeks, is a day when the Obama campaign is off message. The New York Times, boiling with rage at the new interloper who offers a different version of feminism than the only one allowed to be respected in its pages, has provided a huge boost to the McCain-Palin campaign with its army of “investigative reporters” digging for trash in Alaska.

The Times’ pursuit of Palin resembles their feeble and failed four month attempt to tar John McCain earlier this year as having been an adulterer with a lobbyist. The John Edwards adultery story, which was real, was never of interest to the New York Times. Sinners can only be registered Republicans, and after all, Edwards only began his affair when his wife’s cancer was in remission, demonstrating what a prince of a man he really is.

The state polls, which tend to lag the national tracking polls by a few days, have been more favorable for John McCain the last few days, reflecting his slightly stronger position since the convention and the Palin pick. But even if the latest state polls overstate McCain’s numbers a bit due to the lag, they do reflect the new shape of the race.

The best news for McCain is that he has opened a solid lead in Florida (27 Electoral College votes) of 5 points or more in every recent survey, and has built a modest lead in Ohio (20 Electoral College votes) of 3-4 points in every recent survey but one (Quinnipiac). Obama ran poorly in Ohio in its March primary, carrying only 5 of 88 counties and losing the state to Hillary Clinton by 10%, despite coming in with all the momentum and a huge financial advantage. Many registered Democrats in Ohio are not political liberals and share more cultural values with Sarah Palin than Barack Obama. The condescension the Obama campaign has demonstrated toward blue collar voters will not help it in Ohio come Election Day. It is telling that in one recent survey, 31% of Ohio voters said they best relate to Palin, about 20% each to McCain and Obama, and barely over 10% with Biden. If Ohio and Florida are McCain states (and Ohio is certainly not yet “done” for McCain, as Florida may be), there are few ways for Obama to reach 270 Electoral College votes.

Assuming Obama holds all the Kerry states, not nearly so certain anymore, Obama begins with a likely pickup of Iowa and its 7 Electoral College votes. He would then need 11 more. In the latest Rasmusssen surveys, Obama trails in Nevada (5), New Mexico (5), Colorado (9), and is even in Virginia (13). These are the four tossup states where his chances to turn a red state blue are the best. Admittedly, McCain’s lead in the Western states is small — 2 to 3 points in each case. For Obama to win, he will need to pick up Virginia, which has not gone Democratic since 1964, or Colorado and one of the smaller Western states to win. Colorado has been a reliable GOP state in recent years and Nevada has been in the McCain column pretty much all year.

The Obama campaign has bragged of its superior ground game and how that will deliver victory, and in a very close state race, it could help. However discussions with campaign professionals in Virginia and Ohio suggest that the Obama ground team, mostly passionate young out of state workers, are not connecting very well with local voters, even registered Democrats, many of whom are for more culturally conservative than the propagandists for Obama. There is the possibility of a backlash against the harassment, as occurred with Howard Dean’s yellow jacketed throng in Iowa in 2004. The McCain team, thanks to the Sarah Palin selection, now has its own energized army of field workers — but they tend to be in-state people talking to their neighbors, arguably a more effective approach than the one Obama’s campaign has chosen. In Ohio in 2004, the Bush ground game won the state and the election for him.

At one time, the Obama team talked of 22 targeted states, then 18 (14 of them Bush won states), but now the real number is smaller than that. And the good news for the McCain side is that they have a real shot in many more Kerry states than they did a few months back. The latest Rasmussen survey has Pennsylvania (21 Electoral College votes) even for the first time all year. It is hard to see how Obama wins the presidency if he does not win the Keystone state. Pennsylvania is another state in which Obama was buried in the primary, despite a huge spending advantage over Hillary Clinton. Like Ohio and Michigan (17), the state has many registered Democrats who hunt and who are regular church goers, neither of which demographic segments provide fertile ground for Obama, who does best among African Americans and very highly educated secular whites who do not own or use guns. If McCain wins Pennsylvania, he will almost certainly also win Ohio, which is historically about 4-5 points friendlier to the GOP than Pennsylvania.

Other blue states now clearly in play include Minnesota (10), Wisconsin (10), New Hampshire (4), and Michigan (17). I am very skeptical that McCain can win New Jersey (15) despite two recent polls showing him only 3% behind (others show him further behind) or Washington State (11), where two recent polls give Obama a 2-4% lead. Oregon (7) may be a slightly better prospect, given its recent voting history, but is still a long shot for McCain.

Many of Obama’s once-targeted red states are now safely in McCain’s corner. These include Montana (3), North Dakota (3) Alaska (3), and Georgia (15). North Carolina (15), Indiana (11) and Missouri (11) do not look too promising for Obama either. Of course, if the race breaks hard for either candidate in the last month, such that the current near-deadlock in the national popular vote becomes a 5% or greater margin of victory, then some of the second tier targets may come into play. But they won’t matter. If Obama opens up a 5% national lead, he will win Ohio, and Virginia and Colorado. If McCain opens up a similar sized national lead, he probably wins Michigan and Pennsylvania. Neither candidate would need any other states from the other party’s column — these would amount to gravy, allowing the winner to claim a mandate.

The race is close to a national tie in the popular vote, in the number of safe electoral college votes for each side, and in the number of tossup electoral college votes that are blue or red. We have in other words, a 50-50 race.

That situation is markedly better for John McCain than his prospects have been for most of the year. He has not won, but he is very much in the game. The debates, the fallout from the politically motivated investigation in Alaska, and the luck of the draw — what makes news in the weeks before Election Day — will determine the outcome of the race.

Richard Baehr is the chief political correspondent of American Thinker.

Published in: on September 19, 2008 at 11:59 pm Comments (0)

CE Recovery Week #4: “Palin pick means McCain is like Bush”

By: Paul Begala
September 15, 2008 07:12 PM EST

As the political class prattles on about Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, we are overlooking the most important aspect of her selection as the GOP running mate: what it says about John McCain.

And what it says is, he’s just like George W. Bush.

In choosing Palin, McCain was in full Bush mode. Like Bush, he followed his gut, ignored advice from experts and acted on impulse. In fact, McCain’s rash and reckless choice of Palin makes Bush look downright careful by comparison — so McCain may well be more Bushian than Bush himself. If you liked eight years of a president who went with his gut, acted on impulse and gambled our nation’s future on a hunch, you’ll love John McCain.

Let’s take a test. Who does the following describe: A wealthy and hot-tempered rebel, he spent half his life fighting to live up to a famous father and grandfather, encouraged always by an indomitable mother. A self-described moderate on the campaign trail, he courts ultra-right-wing preachers behind the scenes and promises to appoint stridently conservative judges. A multimillionaire who supports more tax cuts for more millionaires, he surrounds himself with supply-siders and calls for policies that would drive us deeper into debt. The chief cheerleader for the war in Iraq, he said we’d be “welcomed as liberators” and angrily challenges anyone who questions his distorted and out-of-touch view of reality.

A self-styled reformer, his Kitchen Cabinet is stocked with Washington lobbyists. Deeply out of touch on economic issues, he repeats nostrums like “the fundamentals are strong” even as the fundamentals are deteriorating. He carefully courts the press, who suck up to him even though he supports authoritarian policies like wiretapping Americans without a court order. He is supported by oil company lobbyists and supports drilling in some of our most sensitive ecosystems. Although he gladly accepts government health care for himself, he would abandon you to take on colossal insurance corporations on your own. Charming and disarming at first blush, his wit masks a petulant temper and a self-righteous streak that even members of his own party worry about.

If you guessed George W. Bush, you’re right. And if you guessed John McCain, you’re also right.

Aided by a team of a dozen researchers and writers, I spent months going through McCain’s record. In ways both large and small, frightening and funny, on matters of both style and substance, and on issues of policy and politics, McCain represents a continuation of the Bush years. His defenders — and they are legion in the national press corps he accurately calls his “base” — will howl, but a clear-eyed reading of the record makes a compelling case that on nearly all of the things that matter most, John McCain would be more of the same.

The war hero part of McCain’s biography is indeed real. But the notion that he is a maverick and the argument that he’s a reformer are myth. McCain has in fact voted with President Bush 91 percent of the time, and yet otherwise sensible people call him a maverick. Sports fans, being less gullible than politicos, would never call a baseball player who hit from the right side of the plate 91 percent of the time a lefty. Yes, there have been brief apostasies (apparently 9 percent of the time), but even when he has broken with Bush, over time he has recanted his heresy and fallen back in, as he has done on taxes. McCain voted against the Bush tax cuts in 2001, but now he proposes making the Bush tax cuts permanent. That’s like marrying a girl you wouldn’t date.

And, like Bush, McCain has a remarkable affinity for lobbyists. His campaign has, by my count, 134 lobbyists serving as bundlers or advisers or staff members. He has chosen to associate himself with people who have lobbied for foreign dictators, big oil companies and every corporate special interest you can think of. And yet he gets away with calling himself a reformer. Now, 134 lobbyists are not lining up to support McCain because they actually believe he’s a reformer. If John McCain’s a reformer, I’m a Hassidic diamond merchant.

If Barack Obama can get every voter to learn just two numbers, he will be president. Those numbers are 91 and 134. If by Election Day every American knows McCain votes with Bush 91 percent of the time and has 134 lobbyists in his campaign, then the myth of the maverick reformer will be dead. And with it, McCain’s chances of following his unlikely soul mate as president.

Paul Begala is a political contributor to CNN. He served as counselor to the president in the Clinton White House. This column is adapted from his new book, “Third Term: Why George W. Bush Loves John McCain” (Simon & Schuster).

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CE Week #3: “It’s The Economy Stupid – Again!”

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Published in: on September 16, 2008 at 8:25 pm Comments (7)

CE Week #3: “Factors Influencing Race in ‘08″

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CE Week #3: “McCain Has the Advantage Over Obama in Post-Convention Polls”

September 16, 2008 02:49 PM ET | Michael Barone

 

The post-convention national polls mostly show John McCain with a small lead over Barack Obama. But what’s been happening in the states? I’ve been looking at the post-convention state polls at realclearpolitics.com, pollster.com, and fivethirtyeight.com and find some significant differences from pre-convention polls. They tend to suggest that the battlefield is shifting, with more states within McCain’s reach and fewer within Obama’s.

Some caution is in order: We’re talking about only one or two polls in some states but as many as eight in ultracritical Ohio. I haven’t included the Zogby Internet polls in my analysis. I’ve rounded off the averages in each state to full percentages (and rounded 0.5s downwards for both candidates), and I’m reporting the difference between the McCain percentage and Obama percentage. Here’s my analysis:

The big industrial states. Michigan and Pennsylvania are Obama +2, Ohio is McCain +3. In each case, McCain is 1 point better than Bush’s final percentage against Kerry in each state. An old rule of American politics is that economic distress moves voters toward Democrats. Michigan, Ohio, and western Pennsylvania are in economic distress. But they haven’t moved toward the Democratic nominee, as compared with 2004. The old rule isn’t operating. Here’s another possible rule. When voters see that tax increases aren’t producing a better economy, they don’t move toward a Democratic nominee who is proposing higher taxes, even though he says they’ll hit only the rich. In Michigan, the Democrats (with a few turncoat Republicans) raised taxes in 2007; in Ohio, the Republicans (with some Democratic support) raised taxes before 2006. Those tax increases haven’t helped those states’ economies, not so as you’d notice, though they’ve helped members of public employees unions. McCain was running much worse than this in pre-convention polls in Pennsylvania and somewhat worse in Michigan. His convention bounce gives him a good chance to win the electoral votes of Pennsylvania (21) and Michigan (17), while leaving him in pretty good shape in Ohio (20).

The new marginals. Obama has been running consistently better than John Kerry or Al Gore in Colorado and Virginia, states that have had comparatively vibrant economies and have also seen influxes of young voters, who tend to be heavily pro-Obama. Just look at all those singles rental apartments and loft-like condos in Arlington and Alexandria and LoDo in Denver. Colorado comes out of the conventions as +1 Obama, Virginia as +1 McCain. In both cases, the average is depressed by one poll that shows the state going the other way. Colorado (9 electoral votes) and Virginia (13) are still very hotly contested ground.

The northern tier. The Obama campaign had hoped to be competitive in some northern tier states: the Dakotas, Montana, and Alaska. Pre-convention polls provided some reasonable basis for this hope. Post-convention polls don’t. Alaska, unsurprisingly, is McCain-Palin +27. Montana is McCain +11, North Dakota McCain +14, South Dakota +17. More importantly, Minnesota is just Obama +1, Wisconsin Obama +3, Washington Obama +4, Oregon Obama +7. So scratch 12 electoral votes as plausible Obama targets and add 38 electoral votes as plausible McCain targets (or, excluding Oregon, 31 electoral votes). This is a big change, and it remains to be seen if later polls will show these states to be as close as the relatively few polls we’ve seen so far do.

The western odd ducks. Nevada is McCain +2. New Mexico, in a shift from pre-convention polls, is McCain +2 (but that’s only one poll). These states were seriously contested in 2000 and 2004 and look to be again in 2008.

The South. Florida is McCain +5; it was Bush +5 in 2004. North Carolina is McCain +11; it was Bush +12 in 2004 (despite the presence on the Democratic ticket of the now happily forgotten John Edwards). But two North Carolina polls show McCain way ahead (+17 and +20); two others show him, as did most pre-convention polls, narrowly ahead (+3 and +4). I have more respect for the polling firms showing the big McCain margins, but this state still bears watching. Georgia, where Obama has sent scads of organizers, is McCain +16.

The Northeast. One poll shows New Hampshire Obama +6 (Zogby Interactive has McCain ahead there): inconclusive. Three polls show New Jersey as Obama +6; it was Kerry +7 in 2004. Astonishingly, one poll shows New York as Obama +5, but this is Siena, which seems to have a lot more undecideds than other New York polls, which have shown Obama well above 50 percent. The New Jersey and New York numbers may tempt the McCain campaign to start advertising on New York City media. I suspect this is a temptation that will and should be resisted, for the time being.

There are a lot of states with no post-convention polls, including interesting ones like Indiana and (if only because of its 55 electoral votes) California. My overall conclusion is that the playing field has shifted in favor of McCain. He seems competitive now, where he arguably wasn’t before the conventions, in Pennsylvania (21 electoral votes), Wisconsin (10), Minnesota (10), Washington (11), and maybe Oregon (7): a total of 59 electoral votes, all carried by John Kerry and Al Gore. Obama no longer seems competitive in North Dakota (3), Montana (3), and Alaska (3): a total of 9 electoral votes.

Or to look at it another way, from Bush’s 2004 electoral vote total of 286, you now have to subtract Iowa (7), which is Obama +12 in the latest Des Moines Register poll, and maybe Colorado (9), Virginia (13), and New Mexico (5), which gets the Republican total down to 252. Or to 247, if you include Nevada (5). But in the northern tier there are 63 more electoral votes within reasonable reach of McCain in the northern tier and New Hampshire. And maybe he wants to start looking at New Jersey (15). I see Obama as competitive or leading in states with 338 electoral votes (granting him the 27 in Florida, which looks to me increasingly unlikely). I see McCain as competitive or leading in states with 342 electoral votes. Advantage shifting toward McCain.

Tags: presidential election 2008 | Barack Obama | John McCain | polls | Democratic National Convention | Republican National Convention

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CE Week #3: “The Roundtable: The Female Vote”

This Week with George Stephanopulos

Watch the video and post your thoughts on the issue and the current state of “the female vote”.

Rountable

 

Published in: on September 14, 2008 at 11:27 am Comments (1)

CE Week #3: “U.S. can’t afford ‘change’”

David S. Broder
September 14, 2008



WASHINGTON – Every so often, reality has to intrude on politics. The candidates, of course, resent it and do their damnedest to avoid it. And those of us who make a living reporting politics are equally determined not to let the harsh truths of the outside world impinge on the “game” being played out on the campaign trail.


Last week, just as everyone was settling in to weigh the delightful prospect of a new administration and a new Congress – reformers all, to hear them tell it – a cold-water dash of realism smacked us in the face.






This one was administered by the killjoys at the Congressional Budget Office, who announced that the next president, whoever he is, will likely inherit a budget at least $500 billion out of balance – a record sum that will limit his ability to do any of the wonderful things being promised daily in the upbeat rhetoric of the campaign.


Barack Obama and John McCain scarcely blinked at the news, nor did I really expect them to do so. The last thing candidates want to admit is that if they win, they will be unable to deliver the goodies they have promised the voters.


Both of them are telling their audiences that they will outdo the Bush administration in every respect. They will not only bring fundamental change to Washington, but deliver the big goals everyone craves – peace and enhanced national respect abroad, energy independence, more jobs, affordable health care, a cleaner environment, improved schools and, of course, lower taxes.


You will not hear them admit that, before they do any of those things, they will have to pay a gigantic annual interest bill on the rapidly expanding national debt – or else our foreign creditors will stop lending us the money to pay our bills.


No one is going to be elected on the promise that he will satisfy the bankers in Shanghai and the money-managers in Moscow.


But that is the reality. Our country has so thoroughly abandoned any pretense of fiscal prudence, accumulating public and private debt at a breakneck pace, that no president can avoid asking: How do I keep our creditors at bay?


If this were a rational world, that question would be at the top of the agenda for the first presidential debate, for it will be inescapable when the work of governing begins in earnest next January.


It is not being asked now because it is in no one’s interest to raise it – not Obama’s and not McCain’s, for they have no easy answers, and not the media’s, because we too hate to be the jerks who spoil the party by asking who’s paying for the booze.


But trust me, the question will have to be asked in 2009, if not in 2008. The events that have dominated the economic news – soaring unemployment, bankruptcy and foreclosure rates, government bailouts of giant financial firms – are not accidental occurrences. They are symptoms of a systemic breakdown marked by easy credit, lax spending discipline and a toxic aversion to taxing ourselves enough to pay our bills.


The fine print in the CBO report measures the course of our reckless imprudence. The projected deficit is almost triple the size of last year’s flow of red ink. In January, the deficit for this year was estimated at “only” $219 billion, and both Bush and the Democratic Congress claimed that we were on our way to a balanced budget in another three years.


More mythmaking. The reality: A slowing economy sapped federal revenues. An “economic stimulus” bill boosted spending, while Iraq and Afghanistan continued to absorb more billions. In the face of that, Bush continues to call for more extended tax cuts, and Democrats, playing along with the polls, are poised to go along.


It’s unfair in a way that those who will move into new positions on Pennsylvania Avenue next January should bear the consequences of the decisions made or avoided by their predecessors. But that is the reality; economic forces do not obey election timetables.


And reality does intrude, no matter how much the politicians try to deny it.

CE Week #3: “Students merit free speech rights”

School administrators can gain from a recent court decision some much-needed guidance on how to react to student voices they dislike.

The good news for students – and for all Americans – is that this newest legal lesson supports more speech instead of placing more limits on student expression.

A landmark 1969 U.S. Supreme Court decision – Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, involving students and Vietnam War protest armbands – put forth the idea that young citizens don’t automatically surrender their First Amendment rights at the schoolhouse door.

But since then, courts at various levels have set about defining when and how officials legally could shut down student expression. A number of those legal limits have been driven by security, education or drug-related concerns.

No principal, no superintendent – and no judge, for that matter – wants to be the person whose inattention, inactivity or decision results in another Columbine-style massacre. Judges have recognized that teachers cannot teach and students cannot learn amid chaos or fear. And the dangers of drug use are painfully obvious.

Still, in various cases in just the past five years, students have been silenced because the message was politically incorrect or offended administrator sensibilities or community views. After voicing or writing sharp political views about the war in Iraq or illegal immigrants or gay rights or after penning provocative illustrations involving Old Glory, students have been told to sit down, shut up and wait their turn as citizens until they leave school – or face suspension or worse.

Many disputes are settled out-of-court, more often than not with an apology to the student and reinstatement. But the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals weighed in on Sept. 2 with a common-sense decision supporting the rights of students to object to – of all things – a school policy.

A three-judge panel agreed that school officials in Watson Chapel, Ark., violated the constitutional rights of three students in 2006 who were disciplined for wearing black armbands or wristbands to school to protest a new policy enforcing school uniforms and for handing out a flier objecting to the policy.

The administrators agreed in court that the student protest did not disrupt classes or order at the school.

The 8th Circuit panel said that despite restrictive decisions since it was handed down, including the 2007 Supreme Court decision in the so-called “Bong Hits for Jesus” case, “Tinker remains good law.” Students in both Tinker and the Watson Chapel case were exercising a right of protest against a government policy – something officials in every school ought to celebrate by example, not denigrate.

Advocates for student expression have feared that school officials and lower courts would expand legal controls into other areas of student free expression based on the ruling in that “Bong Hits” case. In that case – officially called Morse v. Frederickthe high court said officials may clamp down on student speech regarded as encouraging drug use.

School officials in Arkansas even argued that the subject matter was too mundane to get constitutional protection. The decision in the Watson Chapel case, however, squarely affirms that non-disruptive student speech, be it on issues of international interest or on local policies such as school uniforms, is protected by the First Amendment.

In an era in which educators struggle to motivate students to think critically, and to instill basic American values of good citizenship, arbitrarily denying basic rights to speak out, to write in protest, to assemble and to peaceably “seek redress” seems wrong-headed.

Students should learn about First Amendment freedoms in the classroom rather than the courtroom.

Published in: on September 13, 2008 at 1:13 pm Comments (22)

CE Week #3: “An Afghan ‘October surprise’?”

New technology used in Iraq and Afghanistan to hunt down and kill terrorists may inject itself into the presidential race.

Tim Rutten

September 13, 2008

Friday, The Times’ Greg Miller and Julian E. Barnes reported that the United States has escalated its war against Al Qaeda and its Taliban allies by “deploying Predator aircraft equipped with sophisticated new surveillance systems that were instrumental in crippling the insurgency in Iraq.”

It’s a story whose significance may extend well beyond the benighted hills and valleys of Pakistan’s violent Pashtun hinterlands and onto the hustings of our current presidential campaign. Coupled with Thursday’s report in the New York Times that President Bush has signed a secret order permitting Afghanistan-based U.S. special operations forces to cross into Pakistan without Islamabad’s permission, the odds of an “October surprise” that could influence the general election have risen appreciably.

U.S. officials also told The Times that the new surveillance systems allow the operators of the unmanned Predators to locate and identify individual human targets “even when they are inside buildings. … The technology gives remote pilots a means beyond images from the Predator’s lens of confirming a target’s identity and precise location.”

The Times’ story confirms the most sensational revelation contained in Bob Woodward’s new book, “The War Within: A Secret White House History 2006-2007,” which was published this week. Woodward revealed the technology’s existence but, heeding requests from intelligence officials, declined to describe its operations except to say that it had allowed U.S. forces to locate and kill decisive numbers of senior Al Qaeda operatives and Iraqi insurgents. In what may be the book’s most controversial claim, Woodward argues that the secret technology and the so-called Anbar Awakening — in which counterinsurgency techniques developed by the Marines won over tribal leaders in that crucial Sunni-dominated province — had as much or more to do with stabilizing Iraq as the “surge” in U.S. troop numbers.

Beyond the purely military considerations, there are potentially significant political implications. First and most obvious is the question of the surge’s efficacy. The answer matters, particularly to John McCain, who has been one of the surge’s most resolute supporters. If it turns out that it was only one — and, perhaps, the least consequential — in a confluence of successful American initiatives, then McCain could go from steadfast to stubborn in voters’ minds.

The real wild card pops up if this new surveillance technology allows U.S. forces to find and kill Osama bin Laden. Bush wouldn’t be human if he didn’t desperately want to see the Al Qaeda warlord dealt with before inauguration day 2009. Moreover, as Woodward writes, the president frequently relishes the death of individual extremists and insurgents in a way that even our professional soldiers find striking. Then-American commander in Iraq Gen. George W. Casey Jr. “told a colleague in private that he had the impression that Bush reflected the ‘radical wing of the Republican Party that kept saying, “Kill the bastards! Kill the bastards! And you’ll succeed.” ‘ Since the beginning, the president had viewed the war in conventional terms, repeatedly asking how many of the various enemies had been captured or killed.”

If U.S. special operations forces capture or kill Bin Laden, or if a CIA technician pushes a button and puts a Hellfire missile between his eyes, Bush will have made good on the vows he made seven years ago to bring the Al Qaeda leader to some sort of justice. In the eyes of many who supported him over the years, that would allow the president to leave office with at least part of his historical reputation intact.

There also are many Republican activists who must hope that an October surprise involving Bin Laden would give McCain — unswerving supporter of the war and advocate of a muscular, hard-line foreign policy — a boost by association. At the very least, anything that makes his connection to his party’s now dismally unpopular president less of a stigma helps the GOP candidate.

Still, it’s also possible that this particular October surprise might also help Barack Obama, at least at the margins, which is where this election increasingly looks to be decided. The Democratic nominee, after all, opposed going to war in Iraq, in part because it was a distraction from the conflict with the Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda, which had, after all, committed the 9/11 atrocities. If a military technology heretofore monopolized by operations in Iraq finally brings Bin Laden to answer for his crimes, Obama and his supporters can argue that the war in Iraq delayed the day of reckoning in Afghanistan.

That’s the thing about surprises, no matter what the month: The consequences frequently are as unlooked-for as the event.

timothy.rutten@latimes.com

CE Week #3: “Charlie Gibson’s Gaffe”

By Charles Krauthammer

“Ms. Palin most visibly stumbled when she was asked by Mr. Gibson if she agreed with the Bush doctrine. Ms. Palin did not seem to know what he was talking about. Mr. Gibson, sounding like an impatient teacher, informed her that it meant the right of `anticipatory self-defense.’” — New York Times, Sept. 12

WASHINGTON — Informed her? Rubbish.

The Times got it wrong. And Charlie Gibson got it wrong.

There is no single meaning of the Bush doctrine. In fact, there have been four distinct meanings, each one succeeding another over the eight years of this administration — and the one Charlie Gibson cited is not the one in common usage today.

He asked Palin, “Do you agree with the Bush doctrine?”

She responded, quite sensibly to a question that is ambiguous, “In what respect, Charlie?”

Sensing his “gotcha” moment, Gibson refused to tell her. After making her fish for the answer, he grudgingly explained to the moose-hunting rube that the Bush doctrine “is that we have the right of anticipatory self-defense.”

Wrong.

I know something about the subject because, as the Wikipedia entry on the Bush doctrine notes, I was the first to use the term. In the cover essay of the June 4, 2001, issue of The Weekly Standard titled, “The Bush Doctrine: ABM, Kyoto, and the New American Unilateralism,” I suggested that the Bush administration policies of unilaterally withdrawing from the ABM treaty and rejecting the Kyoto protocol, together with others, amounted to a radical change in foreign policy that should be called the Bush doctrine.

Then came 9/11, and that notion was immediately superseded by the advent of the war on terror. In his address to Congress nine days later, Bush declared: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.” This “with us or against us” policy regarding terror — first deployed against Pakistan when Secretary of State Colin Powell gave President Musharraf that seven-point ultimatum to end support for the Taliban and support our attack on Afghanistan — became the essence of the Bush Doctrine.

Until Iraq. A year later, when the Iraq War was looming, Bush offered his major justification by enunciating a doctrine of pre-emptive war. This is the one Charlie Gibson thinks is the Bush doctrine.

It’s not. It’s the third in a series and was superseded by the fourth and current definition of the Bush doctrine, the most sweeping formulation of Bush foreign policy and the one that most distinctively defines it: the idea that the fundamental mission of American foreign policy is to spread democracy throughout the world. It was most dramatically enunciated in Bush’s second inaugural address: “The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.”

This declaration of a sweeping, universal American freedom agenda was consciously meant to echo John Kennedy’s pledge that the United States “shall pay any price, bear any burden … to assure the survival and the success of liberty.” It draws also from the Truman doctrine of March 1947 and from Wilson’s 14 points.

If I were in any public foreign policy debate today, and my adversary were to raise the Bush doctrine, both I and the audience would assume — unless my interlocutor annotated the reference otherwise — that he was speaking about Bush’s grandly proclaimed (and widely attacked) freedom agenda.

Not the Gibson doctrine of pre-emption.

Not the “with us or against us” no-neutrality-is-permitted policy of the immediate post-9/11 days.

Not the unilateralism that characterized the pre-9/11 first year of the Bush administration.

Presidential doctrines are inherently malleable and difficult to define. The only fixed “doctrines” in American history are the Monroe and the Truman doctrines, which came out of single presidential statements during administrations where there were few conflicting foreign policy crosscurrents.

Such is not the case with the Bush doctrine.

Yes, Palin didn’t know what it is. But neither does Gibson. And at least she didn’t pretend to know — while he looked down his nose and over his glasses with weary disdain, “sounding like an impatient teacher,” as the Times noted. In doing so, he captured perfectly the establishment snobbery and intellectual condescension that has characterized the chattering classes’ reaction to the phenom who presumes to play on their stage.

letters@charleskrauthammer.com

CE Week #3: “Palin falters on policy in first TV interview”

Associated Press
September 12, 2008


FORT WAINWRIGHT, Alaska – John McCain running mate Sarah Palin sought Thursday to defend her qualifications but struggled with foreign policy, unable to describe President Bush’s doctrine of pre-emptive strikes against threatening nations and acknowledging she’s never met a foreign head of state.


The Republican vice presidential nominee told Charles Gibson, of ABC News, in her first televised interview since being named to the GOP ticket that “I’m ready” to be president if called upon. She sidestepped on whether she had the national security credentials needed to be commander in chief.


Palin, 44, has been Alaska’s governor for less than two years and before that was a small-town mayor. McCain has defended her qualifications, citing her command of the Alaska National Guard and Alaska’s proximity to Russia.


Asked whether those were sufficient credentials, Palin said: “It is about reform of government, and it’s about putting government back on the side of the people, and that has much to do with foreign policy and national security issues.” She said she brings expertise in making the country energy independent as a former chairwoman of the Alaska Oil and Gas Conservation Commission. “I want you to not lose sight of the fact that energy is a foundation of national security,” she said.






Palin said other than a trip to visit soldiers in Kuwait and Germany last year – “a trip of a lifetime” that “changed my life” – her only other foreign travel was to Mexico and Canada. She also said she had never met a head of state and added: “If you go back in history and if you ask that question of many vice presidents, they may have the same answer that I just gave you.”


Pressed about what insights into recent Russian actions she gained by living in Alaska, Palin answered: “They’re our next-door neighbors, and you can actually see Russia from land here in Alaska, from an island in Alaska.”


Foreign policy questions dominated the first of three interviews Palin was giving Gibson over two days.


In the interview Thursday, Palin:


•Appeared unsure of the Bush doctrine – essentially that the United States must help spread democracy to stop terrorism and that the nation will act pre-emptively to stop potential foes.


Asked whether she agreed with that, Palin said: “In what respect, Charlie?” Gibson pressed her for an interpretation of it. She said: “His world view.” That prompted Gibson to say “no, the Bush doctrine, enunciated September 2002, before the Iraq war” and described it to her. “I believe that what President Bush has attempted to do is rid this world of Islamic extremism, terrorists who are hell-bent on destroying our nation,” Palin said, adding “there have been mistakes made.”


Pressed on whether the United States could attack terrorist hideouts in Pakistan without the country’s permission, she said: “If there is legitimate and enough intelligence that tells us that a strike is imminent against American people, we have every right to defend our country. In fact, the president has the obligation, the duty to defend.”


•Said nuclear weapons in Iran’s hands are dangerous, and said “we’ve got to put the pressure on Iran.” Asked three times what her position would be if Israel felt threatened enough to attack Iranian nuclear facilities, Palin repeatedly said the United States shouldn’t “second-guess” Israel’s steps to secure itself.


•Called for Georgia and the Ukraine to be included in NATO, a treaty that requires the U.S. to defend them militarily. She also said Russia’s attack into Georgia last month was “unprovoked.” Asked to clarify that she’d support going to war over Georgia, she said: “Perhaps so.”


“I mean, that is the agreement when you are a NATO ally, is if another country is attacked, you’re going to be expected to be called upon and help,” she said.


•Said she “didn’t hesitate” when McCain asked her to be his running mate. “I answered him ‘yes’ because I have the confidence in that readiness and knowing that you can’t blink, you have to be wired in a way of being so committed to the mission, the mission that we’re on, reform of this country and victory in the war, you can’t blink. So I didn’t blink then ,even when asked to run as his running mate.”


Later Thursday, after her return to Alaska, Palin indirectly linked the war in Iraq with the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, telling an Iraq-bound brigade of soldiers that included her son that they would “defend the innocent from the enemies who planned and carried out and rejoiced in the death of thousands of Americans.”


“America can never go back to that false sense of security that came before Sept. 11, 2001,” Palin said.

CE Week #3: “Poll results spark hasty reactions”

WASHINGTON – In the opening days of the general election campaign, an exaggerated optimism has swept through Republican ranks and an equally exaggerated gloom has infected the Democrats.

A reporter readjusting his sights after living for two weeks in the twin bubbles of convention cities Denver and St. Paul can only wonder what has triggered these surprising reactions.

These are not the judgments of the party pros we were dealing with the past two weeks. Steve Schmidt, John McCain’s top strategist, said he would wait at least a week before he drew any conclusions from the public polls. Mid-September would be an even better time to assess the race, he said.

But within 48 hours of McCain and Sarah Palin leaving St. Paul behind, we were flooded with polls purporting to measure the appeal of the McCain-Palin ticket vs. the Democratic pairing of Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

The Washington Post-ABC News survey, taken over the weekend after the GOP convention, reported the race essentially tied, whether you are talking about all registered voters or those most likely to show up at the polls.

Obama led the larger group, 47 percent to 46 percent, while McCain led the latter, 49 percent to 47 percent.

The logical inference from these findings is that the race is still to be won.

But instead of reserving judgment, many of the Republicans I talked to in Washington have started a premature celebration, while their Democratic counterparts have panicked and started calling for Obama to “start fighting.”

The twin reactions were based on the suspiciously large shifts the Post poll and others reported among some voter groups – especially white women – and on some issues. McCain vaulted past Obama among those women and scored big gains on the economy and on the capacity to change Washington.

I call those shifts “suspiciously large,” not because I doubt the accuracy or the methodology on the surveys but because the years have taught me that such swerves in voter opinion are likely to be temporary.

What we know is that the American people take the choice of a new president very seriously – especially at a time when their nation is at war and the economy is behaving in a way that causes real concern.

Relatively few Americans have ever cast a ballot for either McCain or Obama. McCain, after two campaigns for the presidency and a long career in Congress, is a comparatively familiar figure. But Obama came onto the public’s radar screen only this year, and Biden and Palin are still strangers to most of their fellow citizens.

The curiosity about all four is intense, which means that the learning process may go relatively quickly. But because voters know that they have until Nov. 4 to figure out their choice, those who are less partisan and more independent will take their time before they commit.

They will search carefully for clues that can give them a degree of confidence that they are making the right choice. Those clues may come in displays of character, in policy promises, or in endorsements by trusted sources. Informal conversations among friends and family will be as important as the TV ads or the candidates’ speeches.

Multiply these factors by the political geography of this 51-part election, with nearly a dozen plausible toss-up states, and the uncertainty of the outcome is overwhelming. My hunch is that we may go well into October and still not know who will succeed George W. Bush.

Some find this unsettling and unacceptable, and they give full license to their emotions of joy or despair. I find it wonderful, even inspiring. This has been – and remains – the election of a lifetime.

Published in: on September 12, 2008 at 9:30 pm Comments (0)

CE Week #3: “‘Lipstick’ quip a common jab employed by both side”

WASHINGTON – From folksy Texans to today’s presidential candidates, the line about putting “lipstick on a pig” has been a time-honored and bipartisan weapon in the political arsenal.

Democrat Jim Hightower, then Texas’ agriculture commissioner, used the phrase in 1986 when he lashed out at Ronald Reagan’s farm credit policies: “It’s like putting lipstick on a pig,” he said. “You can’t hide the ugliness.” Torie Clarke, a Republican and a former Defense Department spokeswoman, partly titled her how-to book on surviving spin “Lipstick on a Pig.”

Vice President Cheney criticized Democrat John Kerry’s national security proposals in the 2004 campaign using the same line. So did Rep. Charles Rangel, D-N.Y., as he attacked GOP Social Security proposals in 2005.

Fast-forward to Wednesday, when “lipstick on a pig” became central to the increasingly nasty presidential race between Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain. McCain charged Obama with sexism, saying Obama’s use of the line jabbed at GOP vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin. The Alaska governor said during her acceptance speech last week that “lipstick” was the only difference between hockey moms such as herself and a pit bull.

Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a political scientist at the University of Southern California, said “lipstick on a pig” is a cousin of another old chestnut, the one about making a “silk purse out of a sow’s ear.”

“It means taking something that you can’t change – that’s a negative – and putting the best spin on it,” Jeffe said. “It has nothing to do with sexism.”

Analysts said the flap is further evidence that Palin’s presence on the GOP ticket has literally altered the terms of the presidential race.

“It reflects the fact that we’re in a general election that is incredibly close – and the women’s vote matters completely,” said Carol Hardy-Fanta, director of the Center for Women in Politics and Public Policy at the University of Massachusetts in Boston.

Palin, like Hillary Rodham Clinton, has been a target of sexism, according to Marie Wilson, president of the White House Project, an organization dedicated to promoting women in leadership. But Wilson said Obama’s “lipstick on a pig” remark doesn’t measure up to questions about Palin’s parenting skills or hecklers at a Clinton campaign rally who said “iron my shirt.”

“I don’t think this is about sexism,” she said. “I think this is a phrase that both campaigns have used from time to time to talk about change.”

Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, said Obama’s quote “seems like it’s really being taken out of context.”

Walsh invoked another common campaign term for the flap, calling it part of the “silly season,” in which seemingly minor episodes are given greater prominence than they warrant.

“This seems to be taking us off discussion of serious issues,” she said.

Published in: on at 9:26 pm Comments (12)

CE Week #3: “Ron Paul urges third-party votes”

Paul Says support for McCain “might diminish my credibility.”

WASHINGTON – Rep. Ron Paul, the Texas libertarian who developed a big following in his failed bid for the GOP presidential nomination, has rejected entreaties to endorse his party’s nominee and instead is urging his supporters to vote for one of several third-party candidates in the field.

At a news conference Wednesday with three third-party candidates, Paul said he had been urged by former Sen. Phil Gramm to back Sen. John McCain. “Absolutely no,” Paul said he told Gramm.

“It might diminish my credibility,” said Paul, who was a distant also-ran in the GOP primaries and caucuses but inspired intense enthusiasm among his supporters and amassed a campaign war chest of almost $35 million, raised mostly via the Internet. “I don’t like the idea of getting 2 or 3 million people angry at me.”

It was a setback for McCain as he has tried to unify the GOP with the selection of Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, a favorite of his party’s conservative wing. But some analysts say there is little opening for any of the third-party candidates Paul urged voters to consider – independent candidate Ralph Nader, Green Party nominee Cynthia McKinney and Constitution Party candidate Chuck Baldwin, who appeared with Paul. Former Rep. Bob Barr, nominee of the Libertarian Party, skipped the event and held his own news conference later.

Third-party candidates tend to do best when there is significant dissatisfaction with the major party nominees – as was the case in 1992, when H. Ross Perot drew enough GOP votes to undercut George H.W. Bush, and in 2000, when Nader drew crucial votes from the Democratic candidate, Al Gore.

“This doesn’t strike me as a year where people in either party are dissatisfied with their candidate,” said G. Calvin Mackenzie, a political science professor at Colby College in Waterville, Maine.

But because analysts expect the presidential election to be extremely close, there is potential for one of the outsiders to be a spoiler.

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CE Week #3: “Poll Position – New Poll Numbers”

Watch and share your opinion regarding these clips:

Published in: on September 11, 2008 at 1:32 pm Comments (1)

CE Week #2: “In Poll, McCain Closes the Gap With Obama”

White Women’s Shift Helps GOP

By Jon Cohen and Dan Balz
Washington Post Staff Writers
Tuesday, September 9, 2008; A01

Sen. John McCain has wiped away many of Sen. Barack Obama’s pre-convention advantages, and the race for the White House is now basically deadlocked at 47 percent for Obama and 46 percent for McCain among registered voters, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll. The presidential contest is also about even among those who are the most likely to vote in November: 49 percent for McCain, 47 percent for Obama.

Both candidates solidified support among party loyalists during their parties’ conventions, but it is the Republican nominee who enters the campaign’s final stretch with newfound momentum.

Much of the shift toward McCain stems from gains among white women, voters his team hoped to sway with the pick of Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin as his vice presidential candidate. White women shifted from an eight-point pre-convention edge for Obama to a 12-point McCain advantage now.

McCain has also improved his standing on the contest’s core issues, and there has been a significant narrowing of Obama’s advantage as the candidate better suited to shake up Washington.

McCain used his convention to present himself as a maverick and a reformer, stressing past fights with special interests and his own party leadership. He also introduced Palin as a like-minded reformer.

On one front, the new message had the intended effect: Although Obama maintains a sizable 12-point advantage as the one who would do more to change government, that is down from a 32-point lead on the question in June. In previous surveys, white women clearly sided with Obama on this issue, but they are now split about evenly, with 47 percent saying McCain would do more and 44 percent sticking with Obama.

Overall, four in 10 voters in the new poll said Obama has done enough to explain the “change” he promises; that is down six points from before the Democratic convention, during which he set out his ideas before more than 84,000 people in Denver and a television audience of nearly 40 million.

McCain also gained ground on other key issues and candidate attributes tested in the poll, and although Obama still boasts more enthusiastic supporters, the senator from Arizona has narrowed the gap.

For the first time since the end of the primaries, a majority of voters are enthusiastic about McCain’s candidacy, and the percentage calling themselves “very enthusiastic” has nearly doubled from late August. That percentage is drastically higher now among conservative Republicans and white evangelical Protestants.

The findings are welcome news to GOP strategists, who are now more optimistic than at any point in the campaign about their prospects of winning in November. But McCain’s bump brings him to about even par in this poll, and if recent history is a guide, he might have to fight to hang on to his post-convention gains. In 2004, President Bush turned a tied contest into a nine-point advantage after the Republican convention in New York, only to see that lead quickly dissipate.

The question both campaigns are weighing is whether McCain, by hitting hard on the themes of reform and change that have been at the heart of Obama’s message, has reshaped voters’ perceptions of the two tickets.

Again, Obama still has an edge, albeit diminished, as the one more likely to change Washington, and he maintains his big advantage as the one who has a better temperament to be president. But for now, voters see McCain in a more positive light, at least comparatively, than they did going into the conventions.

McCain has a 17-point lead on which candidate can better handle an unexpected crisis and, for the first time, a double-digit advantage as the one more trusted on international affairs. He also has a 10-point lead on dealing with the war in Iraq, an issue that had divided voters since the outset of the campaign.

And on the dominant issue of the race, the economy, McCain has whittled Obama’s advantage to five points, the smallest it has been all year. McCain has also drawn even with the senator from Illinois on energy policy and has sharply narrowed Obama’s leads on dealing with the federal deficit and handling social issues such as abortion and same-sex unions. He has also turned around a narrow Obama edge on being seen as the “stronger leader.” The candidates remain about even on taxes, while McCain continues to hold a huge lead on the question of who would make a better commander in chief.

Again, much of McCain’s ascent on these questions comes from shifting support among white women. Those voters now give McCain a 10-point advantage on handling the economy; before the Democratic convention, Obama held a 12-point edge. On Iraq, the two were tied among white women in late August, but McCain now has a 22-point lead. There were similarly large changes in whom these voters trust on social issues, international affairs, energy, values and consistency in issues positions.

The GOP convention, however, did little to assuage concerns about McCain’s age. A majority, 56 percent, said they are uncomfortable with the idea of a 72-year-old president, basically unchanged from late August. But the partisan gap has widened on this question, with Republicans — particularly women — now less concerned, and Democrats more uncomfortable. Independents held steady.

Obama maintained an edge as the more empathetic of the two candidates, although here, too, he has slipped among white women. About three-quarters of all voters said he understands the economic problems people are facing. Far fewer, 53 percent, said so of McCain. In August 1992, before he lost his reelection bid, 49 percent said President George H.W. Bush was in tune with Americans’ financial conditions.

For all the tumult among white women over the past two weeks on the big picture of Obama vs. McCain, they are about where they were in June. McCain’s gains come primarily from deepening his support among Republican women and reaching out to independents.

Obama also consolidated support coming out of his convention. About 85 percent of Democrats now back him, a new high, and nearly equal to the 88 percent of Republicans who back McCain.

Obama has made gains among those who supported Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton in the Democratic primaries, with 78 percent of women who wanted Clinton to win the nomination now backing him, a new high. But among all voters who supported Clinton, nearly a quarter say they plan to support McCain in November.

With partisan lock-in more complete, the race for independents will invariably heat up. In the new poll, independents now break narrowly for McCain — 50 percent to 43 percent. It is a small advantage, but the Republican’s first of the campaign.

Deep partisanship keeps the contest competitive, but so does the continuing popularity of both nominees.

Voters have positive impressions of both candidates, with about six in 10 holding favorable views of McCain and Obama alike. McCain’s rating has held steady, while Obama’s has slipped slightly from before his convention.

Palin, new to the national scene, is just as popular, with a 58 percent favorable rating. Sen. Joseph R. Biden Jr. (Del.), the Democratic vice presidential nominee, checks in at 51 percent. Palin outpaces the two Democrats among white women, 58 percent of whom said McCain’s choice for vice president makes them more confident in the types of decisions he would make as president.

Palin receives more tepid reviews, however, on the question of whether she has the experience to assume the presidency if that became necessary: 47 percent of voters think she does. But experience remains a sizable obstacle for Obama as he remains stuck around 50 percent on the question of whether he has enough to serve effectively in the White House. Voters are split 48 to 48 on the strength of his qualifications.

Obama’s campaign has argued that McCain’s experience and his Senate voting record are not necessarily a positive, saying his votes signal a continuation of President Bush’s unpopular policies. Half of voters said a McCain presidency would be similar to Bush’s, but that is down from 57 percent before the convention. The president’s low approval ratings have been a drag on Republican candidates nationwide, and his name was rarely invoked at the GOP convention in St. Paul, Minn.

Both conventions set new marks for viewership, with tens of millions tuning in, echoing extraordinarily high levels of public interest. About nine in 10 voters said they are paying close attention to the contest, including 51 percent who said they are following it “very closely.” That is higher than the level of intense interest at this point four years ago and about double the level from eight years ago.

The poll was conducted by telephone Friday through Sunday among a random national sample of 1,133 adults, including interviews with 961 registered voters. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus three percentage points for the full sample of registered voters; it is four points among likely voters.

Polling analyst Jennifer Agiesta contributed to this report.

Published in: on September 9, 2008 at 5:40 pm Comments (18)

CE Week #2: “Was Obama Right to Opt Out of Public Financing?”

Tuesday, September 09, 2008
By Andrew Romano

On the night of Sept. 16, Barack Obama will not be in Cincinnati, Ohio, or Lebanon, Va., or Grand Rapids, Mich., or any of the other swingiest regions of the swingiest swing states. Instead, the Democratic presidential nominee will start his evening at a 46,000 square-foot mansion in Beverly Hills, then proceed to the posh Beverly Wilshire hotel, where rooms start at $495 a night. Needless to say, Obama won’t be prospecting for votes in the Golden State, where he currenty leads Republican rival John McCain by an insurmountable 15-point margin. He’ll be mining for money.

It wasn’t supposed to be like this. When Obama opted out of public financing–unlike McCain, who gladly accepted an $84.1 million check from the American taxpayers on Sept. 5–the chattering classes predicted that his efficient Web-based small-donor money machine would rake in “around or above $300 million” for the two-month general election campaign, a sum even larger than his record-shattering $272 million primary haul. But as we noted (first on July 11 and again on Aug. 19) “the real surprise” of this year’s cash chase is that “it’s much more competitive than anyone expected.” Take July, for example. While Obama netted a massive $51 million–again clobbering McCain, who racked up $27 million–the important statistic to look at is the combined amount of cash-on-hand for each candidate and his party (i.e, how much is actually available to spend on getting the nominee elected). In this case, the totals were nearly identical: the Republicans finished the month with $96 million in the bank ($75 million for the RNC, $21 million for McCain) versus $94.3 million for the Democrats ($25.8 million for the DNC, $65.8 million for Obama). In other words, the “mighty” Obama and “measly” McCain–who raised only $120 million over the course of the entire 16-month primary campaign–were tied. So much for the punditocracy’s pecuniary predictions.

Unfortunately, August isn’t looking any rosier for Obama. This morning, The New York Times reported that “the campaign is struggling to meet ambitious fund-raising goals it set for the campaign and the party,” collecting “in June and July far less from Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton’s donors than originally projected” and pushing donors to give more with letters characterizing their recent efforts as “extremely anemic.” Meanwhile, the Atlantic’s Marc Ambinder added that “after a year of telling donors not to contribute to 527 groups, of encouraging strategists not to form them and of suggesting that outside messaging efforts would not be welcome in Obama’s Democratic Party, Obama’s strategists” are now “hoping that Democratic allies”–i.e., 527 groups–”will come to Obama’s aid.”

Why now? According to the Times, Chicago characterized its own monthy haul as the “best…yet” (think $60 million or so). That said, “a California fund-raiser familiar with the [DNC’s] August performance estimated that it raised roughly $17 million last month, a drop-off from the previous month, and finished with just $13 million in the bank”–about half of July’s war chest. In terms of cold, hard cash, then, this probably means that Obama started September with around $90-$100 million in the bank. The McCain campaign, meanwhile, managed to rake in a record $47 million for its coffers and another $22 million for the party, finishing the month with more than $100 million on-hand money that it has now turned over to the RNC. Combined with McCain’s fresh infusion of $84 million in public funds and the $100 million RNC fundraisers expect to raise in September and October, that would leave the GOP with about $300 million at its disposal. To keep up, Obama and Democrats have to rake in about $100 million a month from now until November 4. That’s $25 million more than their best combined monthly total to date. They’re going to need all the help they can get.

In truth, the problem isn’t that Obama doesn’t have enough dinero. He has–and will continue to have–tons, most of which he can invest at his own discretion (unlike McCain, who’s only allowed to direct a small portion of the RNC’s disbursements). And when Obama’s primary donors cut checks for the general, he’ll likely get more. Given that Chicago is bent on expanding the map–and using its own resources to do it–that’s an important distinction. The problem is that–compared to his publicly-financed Republican rival–Obama may not have enough money to justify the costs of opting out. While McCain spends the two-month sprint to the finish wooing voters in Ohio, Michigan and Pennsylvania without stopping to replenish his coffers, Obama will have to work harder than ever to keep the cash flow coming. That means more fundraisers in like the one next week in Beverly Hills (or the one with Bon Jovi last week in New Jersey) and less time on the trail.

No doubt that on Sept. 16 Obama would rather be in Ohio than Beverly Hills, listening to a working mom talk about her economic struggles instead of listening to Barbara Streisand sing. No doubt his political strategists–keenly aware of how the rest of American will interpret Streisand + mansions + Hollywood–would agree. But it isn’t quite working out that way.

CE Week #2: “Can Obama Win Back Wal-Mart Moms?”

Tuesday, Sep. 09, 2008

By Karen Tumulty / Washington

It might be easy to dismiss John McCain’s resurgence in the polls as merely a convention bounce, especially in light of the excitement generated by running mate Sarah Palin, but there’s one startling shift that should be particularly worrisome to Barack Obama’s campaign. In a Washington Post–ABC News survey released Monday, McCain enjoyed a 20-percentage-point turnaround against Obama among white women, going from an eight-point deficit before the Republican National Convention to a 12-point advantage after it.

McCain has reason to focus on these female voters. Going into the convention, surveys showed he was not bringing them aboard in the numbers he needed, particularly in the swing states that he must win in November. Pre-convention polls by Quinnipiac University, for instance, showed McCain with a huge “gender gap” in states like Ohio, Minnesota and Wisconsin, where his support among white women trailed his numbers among men by 20 percentage points, and in Colorado, where the spread was 30 points.

White women are always a key demographic in close races. Classic swing voters, they tend to be more pragmatic than partisan and usually make up their minds late in the race. The ones who matter most, however, are not necessarily the same in each presidential election. In 1996 they were the “soccer moms” who responded to Bill Clinton’s small-bore initiatives and rescued his presidency. The white female vote was crucial to George W. Bush’s victory in 2004, a year that was marked by the post-9/11 political emergence of the so-called security mom — a term, interestingly enough, coined by Joe Biden, the man who is now Obama’s running mate. But where 55% of white women voted for Bush in 2004, only 50% voted for Republican candidates in the 2006 midterm elections, which was one of the reasons the party lost both houses of Congress. And as much as Palin pleases the conservative base of the party, white women were the real target audience McCain was aiming at with his surprise pick of the Alaska governor. The campaign hopes female voters will relate to her thoroughly modern and complicated everywoman story, even if they don’t agree with her on the issues.

The women that pollsters are watching most closely this year are different in some ways from their “soccer mom” and “security mom” sisters of those earlier election cycles. For one thing, they are slightly older than soccer moms (in their 40s and 50s) and are juggling another set of problems — how to pay for college for their kids, how to take care of their elderly parents. They are also less upscale. Lacking college degrees, they are more likely to be feeling the brunt of an array of economic problems that now includes high energy prices, rising unemployment, soaring health-care costs and housing foreclosures.

Democratic pollster Celinda Lake calls them “Wal-Mart moms” and “Wal-Mart grandmas” and says they are not so much undecided as conflicted in making their choice this year. Geoff Garin, a Democratic pollster who served as chief strategist of Hillary Clinton’s campaign in its final days, agrees. “Frankly, it’s because they are conflicted on Obama,” he says. “They’d like to vote for a Democrat, but they’re not sure Obama is the one.” The Democratic nominee has not yet made the sale with these female voters, in part because they have yet to be convinced he has the experience he needs, and also because they are more culturally conservative than he is. And there could be another factor, one that is harder for pollsters to measure. “They are more racially sensitive, honestly,” than younger and more educated women, says Lake.

With his choice of Palin, McCain “definitely caught their attention,” Lake adds. But whether this is merely a blip or a real trend has yet to be determined. Obama strategist Anita Dunn predicts there will be a “settling effect” in the polls as the Democratic campaign brings more scrutiny to Palin’s record — drawing attention, for instance, to the fact that she once actively supported the infamous “bridge to nowhere” earmark that she now claims to have turned down. At a news conference Tuesday morning in Riverside, Ohio, Obama himself dismissed the latest polling numbers and predicted that women’s votes would shift again in the coming weeks as they focus on which candidate is more likely to improve the education system, provide better health care and transform the economy. “Ultimately,” he said, “those are the issues I think that are going to make the greatest difference in this race.”

But just in case they don’t, Obama has become increasingly aggressive in challenging the GOP ticket’s efforts to co-opt his mantra of change. “You can’t just re-create yourself,” the Democratic nominee said Monday. “You can’t just reinvent yourself. The American people aren’t stupid.” But if he is going to win over the Wal-Mart moms, Obama is also going to have to make a stronger case for himself.

CE Week #2: “The Vision of the Left”

September 09, 2008

By Thomas Sowell

Conservatives, as well as liberals, would undoubtedly be happier living in the kind of world envisioned by the left.

Very few people have either a vested interest or an ideological preference for a world in which there are many inequalities.

Even fewer would prefer a world in which vast sums of money have to be devoted to military defense, when so much benefit could be produced if those resources were directed into medical research instead.

It is hardly surprising that young people prefer the political left. The only reason for rejecting the left’s vision is that the real world in which we live is very different from the world that the left perceives today or envisions for tomorrow.

Most of us learn that from experience– but experience is precisely what the young are lacking.

“Experience” is often just a fancy word for the mistakes that we belatedly realized we were making, only after the realities of the world made us pay a painful price for being wrong.

Those who are insulated from that pain– whether by being born into affluence or wealth, or shielded by the welfare state, or insulated by tenure in academia or in the federal judiciary– can remain in a state of perpetual immaturity.

Individuals can refuse to grow up, especially when surrounded in their work and in their social life by similarly situated and like-minded people.

Even people born into normal lives, but who have been able through talent or luck to escape into a world of celebrity and wealth, can likewise find themselves in the enviable position of being able to choose whether to grow up or not.

Those of us who can recall what it was like to be an adolescent must know that growing up can be a painful transition from the sheltered world of childhood.

No matter how much we may have wanted adult freedom, there was seldom the same enthusiasm for taking on the burdens of adult responsibilities and having to weigh painful trade-offs in a world that hemmed us in on all sides, long after we were liberated from parental restrictions.

Should we be surprised that the strongest supporters of the political left are found among the young, academics, limousine liberals with trust funds, media celebrities and federal judges?

These are hardly Karl Marx’s proletarians, who were supposed to bring on the revolution. The working class are in fact today among those most skeptical about the visions of the left.

Ordinary working class people did not lead the stampede to Barack Obama, even before his disdain for them slipped out in unguarded moments.

The agenda of the left is fine for the world that they envision as existing today and the world they want to create tomorrow.

That is a world not hemmed in on all sides by inherent constraints and the painful trade-offs that these constraints imply. Theirs is a world where there are attractive, win-win “solutions” in place of those ugly trade-offs in the world that the rest of us live in.

Theirs is a world where we can just talk to opposing nations and work things out, instead of having to pour tons of money into military equipment to keep them at bay. The left calls this “change” but in fact it is a set of notions that were tried out by the Western democracies in the 1930s– and which led to the most catastrophic war in history.

For those who bother to study history, it was precisely the opposite policies in the 1980s– pouring tons of money into military equipment– which brought the Cold War and its threat of nuclear annihilation to an end.

The left fought bitterly against that “arms race” which in fact lifted the burden of the Soviet threat, instead of leading to war as the elites claimed.

Personally, I wish Ronald Reagan could have talked the Soviets into being nicer, instead of having to spend all that money. Only experience makes me skeptical about that “kinder and gentler” approach and the vision behind it.

Copyright 2008, Creators Syndicate Inc.

Published in: on at 4:56 pm Comments (15)

CE Week #2: “Liberals – Hold Your Heads Up”

September 9, 2008

By BOB HERBERT

Ignorance must really be bliss. How else, over so many years, could the G.O.P. get away with ridiculing all things liberal?

Troglodytes on the right are no respecters of reality. They say the most absurd things and hardly anyone calls them on it. Evolution? Don’t you believe it. Global warming? A figment of the liberal imagination.

Liberals have been so cowed by the pummeling they’ve taken from the right that they’ve tried to shed their own identity, calling themselves everything but liberal and hoping to pass conservative muster by presenting themselves as hyper-religious and lifelong lovers of rifles, handguns, whatever.

So there was Hillary Clinton, of all people, sponsoring legislation to ban flag-burning; and Barack Obama, who once opposed the death penalty, morphing into someone who not only supports it, but supports it in cases that don’t even involve a homicide.

Anyway, the Republicans were back at it last week at their convention. Mitt Romney wasn’t content to insist that he personally knows that “liberals don’t have a clue.” He complained loudly that the federal government right now is too liberal.

“We need change, all right,” he said. “Change from a liberal Washington to a conservative Washington.”

Why liberals don’t stand up to this garbage, I don’t know. Without the extraordinary contribution of liberals — from the mightiest presidents to the most unheralded protesters and organizers — the United States would be a much, much worse place than it is today.

There would be absolutely no chance that a Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton or Sarah Palin could make a credible run for the highest offices in the land. Conservatives would never have allowed it.

Civil rights? Women’s rights? Liberals went to the mat for them time and again against ugly, vicious and sometimes murderous opposition. They should be forever proud.

The liberals who didn’t have a clue gave us Social Security and unemployment insurance, both of which were contained in the original Social Security Act. Most conservatives despised the very idea of this assistance to struggling Americans. Republicans hated Social Security, but most were afraid to give full throat to their opposition in public at the height of the Depression.

“In the procedural motions that preceded final passage,” wrote historian Jean Edward Smith in his biography, “FDR,” “House Republicans voted almost unanimously against Social Security. But when the final up-or-down vote came on April 19 [1935], fewer than half were prepared to go on record against.”

Liberals who didn’t have a clue gave us Medicare and Medicaid. Quick, how many of you (or your loved ones) are benefiting mightily from these programs, even as we speak. The idea that Republicans are proud of Ronald Reagan, who saw Medicare as “the advance wave of socialism,” while Democrats are ashamed of Lyndon Johnson, whose legislative genius made this wonderful, life-saving concept real, is insane.

When Johnson signed the Medicare bill into law in the presence of Harry Truman in 1965, he said: “No longer will older Americans be denied the healing miracle of modern medicine.”

Reagan, on the other hand, according to Johnson biographer Robert Dallek, “predicted that Medicare would compel Americans to spend their ‘sunset years telling our children and our children’s children what it was like in America when men were free.’ ”

Scary.

Without the many great and noble deeds of liberals over the past six or seven decades, America would hardly be recognizable to today’s young people. Liberals (including liberal Republicans, who have since been mostly drummed out of the party) ended legalized racial segregation and gender discrimination.

Humiliation imposed by custom and enforced by government had been the order of the day for blacks and women before men and women of good will and liberal persuasion stepped up their long (and not yet ended) campaign to change things. Liberals gave this country Head Start and legal services and the food stamp program. They fought for cleaner air (there was a time when you could barely see Los Angeles) and cleaner water (there were rivers in America that actually caught fire).

Liberals. Your food is safer because of them, and so are your children’s clothing and toys. Your workplace is safer. Your ability (or that of your children or grandchildren) to go to college is manifestly easier.

It would take volumes to adequately cover the enhancements to the quality of American lives and the greatness of American society that have been wrought by people whose politics were unabashedly liberal. It is a track record that deserves to be celebrated, not ridiculed or scorned.

Self-hatred is a terrible thing. Just ask that arch-conservative Clarence Thomas.

Liberals need to get over it.

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CE Week #2: “MSNBC Takes Incendiary Hosts From Anchor Seat”

September 8, 2008

By BRIAN STELTER

MSNBC tried a bold experiment this year by putting two politically incendiary hosts, Keith Olbermann and Chris Matthews, in the anchor chair to lead the cable news channel’s coverage of the election.

That experiment appears to be over.

After months of accusations of political bias and simmering animosity between MSNBC and its parent network NBC, the channel decided over the weekend that the NBC News correspondent and MSNBC host David Gregory would anchor news coverage of the coming debates and election night. Mr. Olbermann and Mr. Matthews will remain as analysts during the coverage.

The change — which comes in the home stretch of the long election cycle — is a direct result of tensions associated with the channel’s perceived shift to the political left.

“The most disappointing shift is to see the partisan attitude move from prime time into what’s supposed to be straight news programming,” said Davidson Goldin, formerly the editorial director of MSNBC and a co-founder of the reputation management firm DolceGoldin.

Executives at the channel’s parent company, NBC Universal, had high hopes for MSNBC’s coverage of the political conventions. Instead, the coverage frequently descended into on-air squabbles between the anchors, embarrassing some workers at NBC’s news division, and quite possibly alienating viewers. Although MSNBC nearly doubled its total audience compared with the 2004 conventions, its competitive position did not improve, as it remained in last place among the broadcast and cable news networks. In prime time, the channel averaged 2.2 million viewers during the Democratic convention and 1.7 million viewers during the Republican convention.

The success of the Fox News Channel in the past decade along with the growth of political blogs have convinced many media companies that provocative commentary attracts viewers and lures Web browsers more than straight news delivered dispassionately.

“In a rapidly changing media environment, this is the great philosophical debate,” Phil Griffin, the president of MSNBC, said in a telephone interview Saturday. Fighting the ratings game, he added, “the bottom line is that we’re experiencing incredible success.”

But as the past two weeks have shown, that success has a downside. When the vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin lamented media bias during her speech, attendees of the Republican convention loudly chanted “NBC.”

In interviews, 10 current and former staff members said that long-simmering tensions between MSNBC and NBC reached a boiling point during the conventions. “MSNBC is behaving like a heroin addict,” one senior staff member observed. “They’re living from fix to fix and swearing they’ll go into rehab the next week.”

The employee, like others, spoke on condition of anonymity because the network does not permit it people to speak to the media without authorization. (The New York Times and NBC News have a content-sharing arrangement exclusively for political coverage.)

Mr. Olbermann, a 49-year-old former sportscaster, has become the face of the more aggressive MSNBC, and the lightning rod for much of the criticism. His program “Countdown,” now a liberal institution, was created by Mr. Olbermann in 2003 but it found its voice in his gnawing dissent regarding the Bush administration, often in the form of “special comment” segments.

As Mr. Olbermann raised his voice, his ratings rose as well, and he now reaches more than one million viewers a night, a higher television rating than any other show in the troubled 12-year history of the network. As a result, his identity largely defines MSNBC. “They have banked the entirety of the network on Keith Olbermann,” one employee said.

In January, Mr. Olbermann and Mr. Matthews, the host of “Hardball,” began co-anchoring primary night coverage, drawing an audience that enjoyed the pair’s “SportsCenter”-style show. While some critics argued that the assignment was akin to having the Fox News commentator Bill O’Reilly anchor on election night — something that has never happened — MSNBC insisted that Mr. Olbermann knew the difference between news and commentary.

But in the past two weeks, that line has been blurred. On the final night of the Republican convention, after MSNBC televised the party’s video “tribute to the victims of 9/11,” including graphic footage of the World Trade Center attacks, Mr. Olbermann abruptly took off his journalistic hat.

“I’m sorry, it’s necessary to say this,” he began. After saying that the video had exploited the memories of the dead, he directly apologized to viewers who were offended. Then, sounding like a network executive, he said it was “probably not appropriate to be shown.”

In an interview on Sunday, Mr. Olbermann said that moment — and the perception that he is “not utterly neutral” — restarted months-old conversations about his role on political nights.

“I found it ironic and instructive that I could have easily said exactly what I did say, exactly when I did say it, if I had been wearing a different hat, and nobody would have taken any issue,” he said.

“Countdown” will still be shown before the three fall debates and a second edition will be shown sometime afterwards, following the program anchored by Mr. Gregory.

The change casts new doubt on what some staff members believe is an effective programming strategy: prime-time talk of a liberal sort. A like-minded talk show will now follow “Countdown” at 9 p.m.: “The Rachel Maddow Show,” hosted by the liberal radio host, begins Monday.

Mr. Griffin, MSNBC’s president, denies that it has an ideology. “I think ideology means we think one way, and we don’t,” he said. Rather than label MSNBC’s prime time as left-leaning, he says it has passion and point of view.

But MSNBC is the cable arm of NBC News, the dispassionate news division of NBC Universal. MSNBC, “Today” and “NBC Nightly News” share some staff members, workspace and content. And some critics are claiming they also share a political affiliation.

The McCain campaign has filed letters of complaint to the news division about its coverage and openly tied MSNBC to it. Tension between the network and the campaign hit an apex the day Mr. McCain announced Gov. Sarah Palin as his running mate. MSNBC had reported Friday morning that Ms. Palin’s plane was enroute to the announcement and she was likely the pick. But McCain campaign officials warned the network off, with one official going so far as to say that all of the candidates on the short list were on their way — which MSNBC then reported.

“The fact that it was reported in real time was very embarrassing,” said a senior MSNBC official. “We were told, ‘No, it’s not Sarah Palin and you don’t know who it is.’ ”

Tom Brokaw and Brian Williams, the past and present anchors of “NBC Nightly News,” have told friends and colleagues that they are finding it tougher and tougher to defend the cable arm of the news division, even while they anchored daytime hours of convention coverage on MSNBC and contributed commentary each evening.

Mr. Williams did not respond to a request for comment and Mr. Brokaw declined to comment. At a panel discussion in Denver, Mr. Brokaw acknowledged that Mr. Olbermann and Mr. Matthews had “gone too far” at times, but emphasized they were “not the only voices” on MSNBC, according to The Washington Post.

Al Hunt, the executive Washington bureau chief of Bloomberg News, said that the entire news division was being singled out by Republicans because of the work of partisans like Mr. Olbermann. “To go and tar the whole news network and Brokaw and Mitchell is grossly unfair,” he said, referring to the NBC correspondent Andrea Mitchell.

Some tensions have spilled out on-screen. On the first night in Denver, as the fellow MSNBC host Joe Scarborough talked about the resurgence of the McCain campaign, Mr. Olbermann dismissed it by saying: “Jesus, Joe, why don’t you get a shovel?”

The following night, Mr. Olbermann and his co-anchor for convention coverage, Mr. Matthews, had their own squabble after Mr. Olbermann observed that Mr. Matthews had talked too long.

Some staff members said the tension led to the network’s decision to keep Mr. Olbermann in New York for the Republican convention, after he ran the desk in Denver during the Democratic convention. MSNBC said that he stayed in New York to anchor coverage of Hurricane Gustav. But some workers say there were other reasons — namely, that Mr. Olbermann was concerned about his safety in St. Paul, given the loud crowds at MSNBC’s set in Denver.

NBC Universal executives are also known to be concerned about the perception that MSNBC’s partisan tilt in prime time is bleeding into the rest of the programming day. On a recent Friday afternoon, a graphic labeled “Breaking News” asked: “How many houses does Palin add to the Republican ticket?” Mr. Griffin called the graphic “an embarrassment.”

According to three staff members, Jeff Zucker, chief executive of NBC Universal, and Steve Capus, president of NBC News, considered flying to the Republican convention in Minnesota last week to address the lingering tensions.

Up to now, the company’s public support for MSNBC’s strategy has been enthusiastic. At an anniversary party for Mr. Olbermann in April, Mr. Zucker called “Countdown” “one of the signature brands of the entire company.”

Just last year, Mr. Olbermann signed a four-year, $4-million-a-year contract with MSNBC. NBC is close to supplementing that contract with Mr. Olbermann, extending his deal through 2013 — and ensuring that he will be on MSNBC through the next election.

Jim Rutenberg contributed reporting for this article.

CE Week #2: “Joe Biden on Meet The Press”

Watch all four clips and then compose your post re. what was covered on at least two of the topics addressed by VP candidate Joe Biden:

When does life begin?

The surge in Iraq

Governor Palin

Close Election

CE Week #2: “Change we can count on”

ST. PAUL, Minn. – Change is coming, change you can count on.

That is the simple, central message from the two presidential nominating conventions held in Denver and St. Paul during the past two weeks.

Whether it is Barack Obama or John McCain going to the White House next January, the new president will understand that his mandate from the voters is to cleanse Washington of its excessive partisanship and attempt to break the gridlock that has prevailed on almost all the big issues.

The good news is that Obama and McCain, for different reasons, have about as good a prospect of achieving that change as any politician you could find.

The acceptance speeches they delivered will not find places in many collections of great campaign oratory. But rhetoric aside, the clear intent of both candidates was to signal that they understand the frustration of voters of all parties with the poisonous status quo of recent years in Washington.

There is reason to think that Obama and McCain would actually fulfill the voters’ hopes for a chief executive who would be a catalyst for change. Obama, who is 47, is the first post-boomer politician to come this close to the presidency. The baby boomers – Clinton, Bush, Gore, Gingrich and the rest – have been cursed by their heritage. They came of age during the turmoil of civil rights, women’s rights and Vietnam, and their generation has never stopped refighting the battles of those tumultuous years.

Obama is too young to have experienced those fights, so his mind is open to ideas and information from a far greater variety of sources. He has fewer scores to settle, so he can serve more freely as an arbitrator.

McCain, who is 72, is almost but not quite a throwback to the “greatest generation,” the one that survived the Depression, won World War II and built the international architecture of the postwar world. With the McCain family military tradition and the high patriotism forged by his own prisoner-of-war experience, McCain – like the heroes of FDR’s and Truman’s time – disdains partisanship and searches for the national interest, wherever he can find it.

Their skills and agendas are different, but both McCain and Obama bring strengths to what will obviously be a struggle against the forces of parochialism and partisanship resisting change in Washington.

Obama has an exceptional mind when it comes to analyzing and then formulating policy. His methods are reflective and sometimes iconoclastic, but the results are impressive. He has outlined approaches to domestic issues that might actually enlist support across a broad political spectrum. Still, his skills as a negotiator are largely untested, and he has yet to demonstrate, as McCain has, the backbone to challenge the prevailing interest groups in his own party.

McCain, for his part, is far more dependent on others for the detailed working out of policy. His real strength lies in personal relationships; he is at his best when negotiating a deal – and in knowing what it will take to make the deal stick. On the international side, he has a better feel for the personalities involved than Obama at this point – and probably more comfort in dealing with them.

Neither of these men has much experience in managing a large bureaucracy, so there is no way to judge how well they will cope with that aspect of the Washington challenge. Both are products of the Senate, but congressional recalcitrance will test them as much as any new president. One would have to give McCain the edge on both his willingness and ability to confront the demands of a Democratic Congress.

Over the next two months, the campaign will teach voters more about how each of these men would approach the governing challenges. The contest between them looks closely competitive, with battlegrounds extending from Virginia to Nevada.

Each of them has acquired a running mate who complements their own strengths, and each was bolstered by their conventions. It is a fair fight, and one the country can anticipate with good hope.

CE Week #2: “Rival Tickets Are Redrawing Battlegrounds”

September 7, 2008

Fresh from the Republican convention, Senator John McCain’s campaign sees evidence that his choice of Gov. Sarah Palin as his running mate is energizing conservatives in the battleground of Ohio while improving its chances in Pennsylvania and some Western states that Senator Barack Obama has been counting on.

Mr. Obama’s campaign intends to focus heavily on the economy, especially in light of the mounting job losses, and to keep up the effort to tie the McCain-Palin ticket to the policies of President Bush. It is banking on holding all the states Senator John Kerry won in 2004 and picking up the additional electoral votes it needs by flipping some combination of Colorado, Indiana, Iowa, Nevada, New Mexico, Ohio or Virginia into the Democratic column.

With just over eight weeks left until Election Day, the two sides are settling into a set of state-by-state face-offs, with an increased focus on turning out supporters and tough decisions looming about where to invest time and advertising money.

Aides to Mr. Obama said the campaign was preparing advertisements tailored to issues important in specific states, like ones about the auto industry in Michigan and nuclear waste in Nevada, even as the Democrats pulled back advertising in Georgia, a Republican state he had sought to put in play by registering new Democratic voters.

Strategists say that Mr. McCain can now count on a more motivated social conservative base to help him in areas like southern Ohio, where the 2004 race was settled.

While fortified turnout from this base is probably not enough to assure victory for Mr. McCain, strategists said, it would be very difficult for him to win without it. In that sense, Ms. Palin’s presence on the ticket — depending on how her candidacy fares under the scrutiny it is receiving — could be vital.

Mr. Obama has refrained from directly criticizing her, but on Saturday he shed the niceties. He said Ms. Palin embraced lawmakers’ pet projects known as earmarks back home in Alaska but criticized them in her new role.

“She’s a skillful politician, but when you’ve been taking all the earmarks when it’s convenient and then suddenly you’re the anti-earmark person, that’s not change,” Mr. Obama told a crowd in Indiana. “Come on! Words mean something. You can’t just make stuff up.”

Some McCain campaign officials hoped that Ms. Palin, an Alaskan, can broaden the ticket’s appeal in the Northwest, possibly gaining traction in states like Oregon and Washington, as well as shore up Mr. McCain’s standing with social conservatives who had, up to now, been lukewarm at best about his candidacy.

“Thursday morning our phones started ringing about how do we get involved, where are the phone banks, where is the literature to distribute,” said Mike Gonidakis, executive director of Ohio Right to Life, explaining that many people had been motivated by Ms. Palin’s convention speech on Wednesday night. “It’s amazing to see the attitude and enthusiasm — especially compared with what it was about 10 days ago.”

Mr. Obama’s campaign manager, David Plouffe, said that his team was not concerned that independents and undecided women might be drawn to Ms. Palin, and that the Obama camp did not plan to run hard against her.

“As the post-convention dust settles, we believe a lot of the battleground states will be close, and that this will remain a race between John McCain and Barack Obama,” Mr. Plouffe said. “She’ll be out there promoting John McCain’s economic message, which is fine by us because it is so bad for middle-class voters.”

Yet several Republican leaders, both moderates and conservatives, said they were comfortable with the economic message of their ticket, which is asserting in its advertising and campaigning that Mr. Obama would enact higher taxes and policies too liberal for most voters.

“Even in the face of job losses and the mortgage crisis,” said Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger of California, “the core Republican message is still appealing: no higher taxes, get government off your back, cut regulations and make us more competitive.”

McCain aides once believed that his appeal to independents might help him win a traditional Democratic state like New Jersey, and Obama aides thought their candidate’s broad appeal could be a lift in traditionally Republican ones like Montana, but the emerging swing states picked by both campaigns so far resemble the Bush-Kerry map in 2004 and the Bush-Gore map in 2000.

But Democrats say that they will still have the advantage, thinking that Mr. Bush’s unpopularity, economic discontent and lingering anger over the Iraq war will make it hard for Republicans to carry all the Bush states.

Republicans are hoping that positioning Mr. McCain as a maverick now could help them hold the Bush states and win some like New Hampshire, which Mr. Bush lost in 2004 but where Mr. McCain is popular.

In one indication of how Mr. McCain defines the battleground and the message he will emphasize to counter the Democratic strategy, the Republican National Committee recently bought television time in 14 states for an advertisement calling Mr. Obama and Congressional Democrats “ready to tax, ready to spend, but not ready to lead.”

That advertisement will be shown in Colorado, Florida, Iowa, Missouri, New Mexico, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio and Virginia (all Republican states in 2004 that Mr. Obama is contesting aggressively this time) and Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, (Democratic states four years ago that Mr. McCain is trying to win over).

A sign of the shifting battlegrounds can be found in the itineraries of both campaigns. Mr. Obama on Saturday warned voters in Indiana, a state where Democratic presidential candidates seldom plant their flag, to be wary of Republicans promising change. “Don’t be fooled,” he told several hundred people at the fairgrounds in Terre Haute. “These are the folks who have been in charge.”

For their part, Mr. McCain and Ms. Palin chose to remain in solid Republican territory. Thousands of enthusiastic supporters greeted them at an airport rally in Colorado Springs, where the crowd waved a sea of flags and chanted “Sarah Palin, Sarah Palin.”

Ms. Palin took on Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware, Mr. Obama’s running mate and chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, as a personification of the status quo.

“When our opponent made his choice, he went for a fine man, a decent man,” she said at the rally. “Senator Biden can claim many chairmanships across many, many years in Washington, and certainly many friends in the Washington establishment. But even those admirers would not be able to call him an agent of change.”

Mr. Obama chose not to participate in the public financing system for presidential campaigns, freeing him to spend unlimited amounts on his political efforts in any state.

One indication of the Obama campaign’s priorities can be found in a breakdown of how it is distributing large donations to a special fund-raising account it has set up for state parties. The breakdown, provided by an Obama fund-raiser, shows the campaign funneling money to traditional swing states like Florida, Ohio and Pennsylvania, but also allocating substantial sums to normally solid Republican states like North Carolina.

Obama aides, while pulling back commercials in Georgia, are mulling new advertisements in other states that Mr. Bush carried, like Arizona and West Virginia, where the poor economy might help them somewhat.

Both sides are intensifying their efforts in a less visible but potentially more important aspect of presidential politics: identifying their likely supporters, household by household, and ensuring that they show up to vote on Election Day.

Mr. Obama has long been seen as having had a head start in that area, drawing on his campaign’s vast army of volunteers to make phone calls, knock on doors and distribute literature.

Mr. Plouffe said the Obama campaign had recruited thousands of neighborhood and precinct captains to concentrate on voter turnout: The campaign has seven offices in Allegheny County alone, around Pittsburgh, and has teams devoted to turning out the estimated 600,000 black residents of Florida who were registered in 2004 but did not vote.

“You have a lot of sporadic Democratic voting in Florida and other states in different years,” Mr. Plouffe said, “but we believe the clear contrast between the candidates will drive Democrats out in record numbers this year.”

But the McCain campaign, after a slow start, is increasing its efforts as well, building on the sophisticated voter-targeting operation built for President Bush.

Mike DuHaime, the McCain campaign’s political director, said that right after Ms. Palin was chosen, more than four times as many volunteers as usual showed up, even though it was Labor Day weekend.

Even before the pick, he said, the campaign had stepped up its efforts: Although it made only 20,000 volunteer phone calls and knocks on doors a week two months ago, the McCain campaign made 800,000 the week before Ms. Palin was selected.

The campaign is using technology to help identify likely voters, including having volunteers call supporters using Internet phones that can help collect data for the Republican National Committee.

“If the person you’re calling says, ‘Yes, I’m voting for Senator McCain,’ you push a button on the phone and it automatically goes back to the R.N.C. database,” Mr. DuHaime said. “If the person says it’s a wrong number, there’s another button and it wipes that number out, so that nobody ever calls that again.”

“You can take all that data,” he added, “and analyze it, figure out things that are working and things that are not and how to allocate resources.”

Elisabeth Bumiller, Michael Luo and Jeff Zeleny contributed reporting.

CE Week #2: “Nations approve U.S.-India nuke deal”

Bush initiative will face challenge in Congress

VIENNA, Austria – The U.S. gained key international backing Saturday for a bitterly contested plan to sell peaceful nuclear technology to India – a South Asia powerhouse that has tested atomic weapons but has refused to sign global nonproliferation accords.

Washington said the landmark deal, which still needs U.S. congressional approval, will place India’s nuclear program under closer scrutiny. Detractors warned it could set a dangerous precedent in efforts to rid the world of weapons of mass destruction.

“By establishing a ‘good guys’ and ‘bad guys’ set of rules, the decision will make it far harder to curb the South Asian nuclear and missile arms race,” said Daryl Kimball, who heads the Washington-based Arms Control Association. Kimball said the deal could undermine efforts to contain the Iranians and North Koreans.

Saturday’s approval by the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers Group dealt “a profound setback to the nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament system that will produce dangerous ripple effects for years to come,” he said.

The group, which governs the legal world trade in nuclear components and know-how, signed off on the deal after three days of contentious talks in Vienna and some concessions to countries insistent on holding India to its promises not to touch off a new nuclear arms race.

The approval represented a major foreign policy victory for President Bush, who had made the deal a centerpiece of a major 2005 overture to India.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, on a trip to North Africa, called the deal “landmark” and said final congressional approval would be “a huge step for the U.S.-India relationship.”

The trade waiver paves the way for a U.S. reversal of more than three decades of policy. India has been subject to a nuclear trade ban since it first tested an atomic weapon in 1974. The country conducted its most recent test blast in 1998.

India hailed the agreement as “a forward-looking and momentous decision.”

“It marks the end of India’s decades-long isolation from the nuclear mainstream,” Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said in a statement. “The opening of full civil nuclear cooperation between India and the international community will be good for India and for the world.”

Officials said Bush and Singh spoke by telephone Saturday and congratulated each other on the waiver, which removes a key obstacle to billions of dollars in potential trade in peaceful nuclear material and technology between the two nations.

The International Atomic Energy Agency signed off on the deal last month. Now, the Bush administration will have to scramble to get approval from Congress in the few weeks remaining before lawmakers adjourn for the rest of the year to devote time to their re-election campaigns.

“I certainly hope we can get it through,” Rice said.

Initially, more than a dozen nations, including China and Japan, sought to block approval by the nuclear group, which operates by consensus.

But in negotiations that began Thursday, that bloc dwindled to three holdouts – Austria, Ireland and New Zealand – who expressed grave misgivings about bending the rules to accommodate U.S. sales to India.

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CE Week #2: “Relations deteriorating”

Analyst says risk of U.S.-Russia clash higher now than since Cold War

A refugee camp in Gori, Georgia, houses ethnic Georgians from villages in the buffer zone. Russian troops now occupy a breakaway Georgian province, and Russian warships are at the province’s coastline. U.S. warships are also in the area, bringing aid to Georgia, and increasing the chance that a misunderstanding could lead to an international incident.Associated Press (Associated Press )

MOSCOW – In the aftermath of last month’s war between Russia and U.S.-backed Georgia, Kremlin-watchers in Moscow are worried that Russia and America are closer to direct confrontation than at any point since the end of the Cold War.

The rhetoric coming from the Bush administration – and presidential hopeful John McCain – suggests that tensions are still on the rise.

During the Cold War, “the sides were very careful of each other. They were careful not to come too close,” said Alexander Pikayev, a prominent military analyst in Moscow who works for a government-funded research center. “The risk of direct military clashes is (now) much higher. … This situation is much riskier than the Cold War.”

Both sympathizers and critics of Kremlin policy shared the assessment of a significantly heightened chance of conflict. They expressed hopes that cooler heads will prevail.

Vice President Dick Cheney put a spotlight on the standoff during visits to Georgia and Ukraine last week, the countries at the core of the row between Washington and Moscow. He told Georgians on Thursday that the United States will continue to back the country’s NATO application – which the Kremlin vehemently opposes – and said that Moscow’s intervention “cast grave doubt on Russia’s intentions and on its reliability as an international partner.”

Cheney traveled on Friday to Ukraine, which also is applying to NATO with strong U.S. support. There, he spoke of the “threat of tyranny, economic blackmail and military invasion or intimidation” from Russia.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said the same day that it was up to America to decide whether disagreements would get worse.

“We are not interested in bad relations with the United States,” Lavrov told CNN. “It wouldn’t be our choice, but if the United States does not want to cooperate with us on one or another issue, we cannot impose.”

Candidates talk tough

At the Republican convention Thursday, McCain mentioned Russia just after al-Qaida and Iran.

“Russia’s leaders, rich with oil wealth and corrupt with power, have rejected democratic ideals and the obligations of a responsible power,” McCain said in his nomination acceptance speech. “As president, I will work to establish good relations with Russia so we need not fear a return of the Cold War,” he said. “But we can’t turn a blind eye to aggression and international lawlessness that threatens the peace and stability of the world and the security of the American people.”

Democratic contender Barack Obama promised to “renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can curb Russian aggression.”

Andrei Klimov, a Russian parliament member with the pro-Kremlin United Russia party, said he didn’t think there would be fighting between the United States and Russia, but acknowledged that he’s taken aback by how much more possible it seems now.

“If you have a lot of people on the streets with pistols, it is very dangerous,” said Klimov, the deputy of the foreign affairs committee in the Duma, the lower house of parliament.

Focused on Black Sea

Russian analysts say there are three possible flash points, all centered on or around the Black Sea, once almost lakefront property for the Soviet empire. The sea borders three NATO members – Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania – and two applicants, Georgia and Ukraine. If the two applicants join the alliance, Russia’s Black Sea coastline would be surrounded by NATO.

“Now it looks like there is a certain red line that exists in the heads of Russian leadership and they are willing to do anything to stop it from being crossed,” said Nikolai Petrov, a Moscow scholar in residence with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “And this red line is Ukraine and Georgia joining NATO.”

It’s a crucial area for any attempts by Russia to reassert its power in former Soviet territory:

•In Ukraine, the government of U.S.-backed President Viktor Yushchenko is splintering in a power struggle. If Yushchenko or his opponents use force, the country could split between pro-Western and pro-Russian factions, creating pressure for Washington and Moscow to take sides, if not become directly involved.

•American warships are deploying in and near Georgian ports, carrying humanitarian aid. Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has suggested that they’re also bringing military aid to the defeated Georgian army. On Friday, the USS Mount Whitney, the command ship for the U.S. Navy’s 6th Fleet, docked in Poti, Georgia, not far from Russian outposts on shore.

•Russian warships have been sent to the coast of nearby Abkhazia, a breakaway province of Georgia now occupied by Russian troops and recognized as an independent state by Moscow. In the relatively close proximity in which the Russian and American ships operate there and elsewhere in the Black Sea, one misunderstanding could create an international incident.

Pavel Felgenhauer, a military analyst in Moscow who works with the U.S.-based Jamestown Foundation, agreed that relations between the countries were dangerously tense, but blamed the Kremlin.

“Russia is probing the West, as it often did during the Cold War, (to see) how far is the West willing to go: What will happen if Russia continues to push?” Felgenhauer said. “There is a party of war within the ruling party. … It seems that for now the hard-liners are winning.”

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CE Week #1 Recovery: “The Battle of the Party Themes”

By Michael Barone

The national conventions are political shows staged to influence voters.

Soon, we can measure the bounce that the two tickets have received from their gatherings. But the more important question is whether the conventions establish arguments that are sustainable — over the course of the campaign and, for the winning ticket, over four years of governance. Four years ago, John Kerry’s convention produced a narrative that proved unsustainable.

George W. Bush’s convention produced one that was sustainable until Katrina and the 2005-06 meltdown in Iraq — yet that may be redeemed in history by the success of the surge and the rapid response to Gustav.

One of the themes hammered home at Barack Obama’s convention was McCain equals Bush. That never struck me as sustainable and was pretty well demolished on the first full day of McCain’s convention. Neither Obama nor McCain is a generic candidate — they are distinctive individuals, to whose specific characteristics voters respond, positively or negatively.

The Republican convention’s premise is that McCain is the maverick reformer — an American version of Nicolas Sarkozy, who replaced an unpopular president of his own party. There is plenty in McCain’s record to back that up. Not least is his selection of Sarah Palin for vice president. Palin’s record of successfully battling establishment Republicans and oil companies in Alaska clearly appealed to McCain.

And that was amplified by the mainstream media attacks on her. Now the media, which were not alarmed by Obama’s thin record, is worried about Palin being a heartbeat away from the presidency. Other women who were stay-at-home moms for years and then emerged into public life have outperformed their resumes — namely, Katharine Graham, Jeane Kirkpatrick, Madeleine Albright, Nancy Pelosi and Geraldine Ferraro. Palin, who has negotiated a natural gas pipeline with the oil companies and Canadian federal, provincial and Inuit authorities, may do so, too. We’ll see if that argument is sustainable.

Voters express great dissatisfaction with the economy, even though it grew 3.3 percent in the last quarter. The Obama convention contended that the Democratic nominees understood people’s woes from personal experience and that their programs would provide economic security. But the substance of those programs — refundable tax credits (i.e., payments to those who pay no income tax) and a national health insurance option — are unfamiliar to voters, and their details can be hard to explain.

The McCain convention’s thesis is that higher taxes on high earners in a time of slow growth will squelch the economy (this was Herbert Hoover’s policy, after all).

These assertions, too, are unfamiliar to voters. And, up to this point in the campaign, neither party has set out its programs clearly (or characterized the other side’s fairly).

During the course of the year, two issues have unexpectedly turned in favor of the Republicans. One is Iraq: It is becoming plain that the surge has succeeded, and victory is in sight. McCain can argue he was right; Obama can argue it is safe to leave, as he has long urged. But the issue has lost much of its salience.

The other issue is energy. Four-dollar-a-gallon gas has produced majorities for offshore drilling, which McCain now favors and Palin always has, and which Obama and Joe Biden still dismiss as insignificant. Despite the recent drop in gas prices, the Republican position looks more sustainable to me, likely to trump the Democrats’ quasi-religious fervor for renewable energy sources. Al Gore’s speech was well received in Denver, but voters are not prepared to accept the sharp economic sacrifices he demands.

This election cycle has been full of surprises and unpredicted turns. Both candidates’ vice presidential choices tended to undercut, at least marginally, their basic themes of change and experience. The political fundamentals — an unpopular president, a sluggish economy, an unpopular war — still favor the Democrats. But my sense is that the Democratic meme is less sustainable than the Republican’ appeal. Which leaves things roughly tied.

© 2008 Creators Syndicate Inc.

Published in: on September 6, 2008 at 9:04 am Comments (2)

CE Week #1 Recovery: “Palin Assails Critics and Electrifies Party”

September 4, 2008

 

 

ST. PAUL — Gov. Sarah Palin of Alaska introduced herself to America before a roaring crowd at the Republican National Convention on Wednesday night as “just your average hockey mom” who was as qualified as the Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama, to be president of the United States.

An hour later Senator John McCain, a scrappy, rebellious former prisoner of war in Vietnam whose campaign was resurrected from near-death a year ago, was nominated by the Republican Party to be the 44th president of the United States after asking the cheering delegates, “Do you think we made the right choice” in picking Ms. Palin as the vice-presidential nominee?

The roll-call vote made Mr. McCain, 72, the first Republican presidential candidate to share the ticket with a woman and only the second presidential candidate from a major party to do so, after Walter F. Mondale selected Geraldine A. Ferraro as his running mate for the Democratic ticket in 1984.

But the nomination was a sideshow to the evening’s main event, the speech by the little-known Ms. Palin, who was seeking to wrest back the narrative of her life and redefine herself to the American public after a rocky start that has put Mr. McCain’s closest aides on edge. Ms. Palin’s appearance electrified a convention that has been consumed by questions of whether she was up to the job, as she launched slashing attacks on Mr. Obama’s claims of experience.

“Before I became governor of the great state of Alaska, I was mayor of my hometown,” Ms. Palin told the delegates in a speech that sought to eviscerate Mr. Obama, as delegates waved signs that said “I love hockey moms.” “And since our opponents in this presidential election seem to look down on that experience, let me explain to them what the job involves. I guess a small-town mayor is sort of like a ‘community organizer,’ except that you have actual responsibilities.”

As the crowd cheered its approval, Ms. Palin went on: “I might add that in small towns we don’t quite know what to make of a candidate who lavishes praise on working people when they are listening, and then talks about how bitterly they cling to their religion and guns when those people aren’t listening.”

Ms. Palin was referring to Mr. Obama’s experience as a community organizer in Chicago before he served in the Illinois legislature and was elected to the United States Senate in 2004 as well as comments he made at a fundraiser in California about bitter rural voters who “cling” to guns and religion.

The address by Ms. Palin, 44, who stunned the political world last week as Mr. McCain’s pick for a running mate, took place before a convention transformed from an orderly coronation into a messy, days-long drama since the McCain campaign’s disclosure on Monday that Ms. Palin’s 17-year-old daughter, Bristol, was pregnant. Since then there have been a host of other distractions, including Hurricane Gustav, questions about how thoroughly Mr. McCain vetted what people close to his campaign have called the last-minute pick of Ms. Palin, and charges from Mr. McCain’s top aides that the news media has launched a sexist smear campaign against his running mate.

“I’m not a member of the permanent political establishment,” Ms. Palin said in her remarks, which took aim at the news media as the crowd began lustily booing the press. “And I’ve learned quickly, these past few days, that if you’re not a member in good standing of the Washington elite, then some in the media consider a candidate unqualified for that reason alone. But here’s a little news flash for all those reporters and commentators: I’m not going to Washington to seek their good opinion; I’m going to Washington to serve the people of this country.”

Ms. Palin spent the first part of her speech introducing her family one by one to the crowd, including her husband, Todd. “We met in high school, and two decades and five children later he’s still my guy,” Ms. Palin said.

Ms. Palin also displayed humor in one of her biggest lines of the night when she said that “the difference between a hockey mom and a pit bull” was “lipstick.”

Ms. Palin’s speech was the big draw of a convention night notable for not a single mention from the stage of the unpopular president, George W. Bush, who addressed the delegates Tuesday via satellite from the White House after the hurricane forced him to cancel his appearance.

Ms. Palin’s speech came after Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York launched a withering attack on Mr. Obama as part of a relentless assault by Republicans arguing that Ms. Palin, the former mayor of a town of less than 7,000 people who has been governor of Alaska for 20 months, had a more impressive résumé than Mr. Obama.

“She already has more executive experience than the entire Democratic ticket,” said Mr. Giuliani, one of three former rivals of Mr. McCain for the nomination, including former Gov. Mitt Romney of Massachusetts and former Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas, who took on Mr. Obama in speeches Wednesday evening.

“Barack Obama has never led anything, nothing, nada,” Mr. Giuliani said, then launched an attack on people who have questioned whether Ms. Palin will have enough energy to focus on the vice presidency as the mother of five. “How dare they question whether Sarah Palin has enough time to spend with her children and be vice president,” Mr. Giuliani said. “How dare they do that? When do they ever ask a man that question?”

The criticism of Mr. Obama reinforced new television commercials by the McCain campaign that similarly belittled the Democratic nominee’s experience. The campaign and its surrogates also took on what they called biased and sexist coverage of Ms. Palin.

In her address, Ms. Palin criticized Mr. Obama on foreign policy and national security issues as she tried to display comfort on those areas. She also embraced one of Mr. McCain’s favorite mantras this summer, “drill now,” a call for more offshore oil exploration as a solution to record-high gasoline prices.

“Our opponents say, again and again, that drilling will not solve all of America’s energy problems, as if we all didn’t know that already,” Ms. Palin said. “But the fact that drilling won’t solve every problem is no excuse to do nothing at all. Starting in January, in a McCain-Palin administration, we’re going to lay more pipelines, build more nuclear plants, create jobs with clean coal and move forward on solar, wind, geothermal and other alternative sources.”

The speech was the first public emergence for Ms. Palin since arriving here Sunday, two days after Mr. McCain named her as his running mate. Ms. Palin has spent her time in a hotel suite with her husband, Todd, and their five children preparing for her speech and the questions on foreign policy, national security and family matters that she will face from the news media when the McCain campaign makes her available to reporters. Their son Track, 19, deploys overseas for the Army next month.

Democrats, who have held much of their fire this week as the Republican melodrama has played out in Minnesota, criticized the convention as failing so far to address the concerns of ordinary Americans.

“You did not hear a single world about the economy,” Mr. Obama told an audience on in New Philadelphia, Ohio, before Ms. Palin’s speech. “Not once did they mention the hardships that people are going through.”

Mr. McCain landed in Minneapolis on Wednesday afternoon and was greeted on the tarmac by Ms. Palin, her family and his family in a striking multigenerational tableau, 16 strong, with the youngest member Trig Palin, Sarah Palin’s 4-month-old, who has Down syndrome. Later, in Mr. McCain’s appearance at the convention, he praised the Palins as “a beautiful family.”

Delegates said they were enthralled by Ms. Palin. “I think she’s great; she’s giving it back to the Democrats for all the sorry things they’ve said about her and about America,” said Anita Bargas, a delegate from Angleton, Tex. “She’s a conservative, and she has a great sense of humor.”

With Ms. Palin facing a torrent of inquiries from reporters, Mr. McCain joined other Republicans in assailing news outlets when he told ABC News in an interview on Wednesday that “Sarah Palin has 24,000 employees in the state government” and was “responsible for 20 percent of the nation’s energy supply.” He added that he was entertained by the comparison of her experience to that of Mr. Obama and that “I hope we can keep making that comparison that running a political campaign is somehow comparable to being the executive of the largest state in America.”

 

Published in: on September 4, 2008 at 6:34 am Comments (0)

CE Week #1 Recovery: “Sarah Palin’s Address to the RNC”

By Sarah Palin

Mr. Chairman, delegates, and fellow citizens: I am honored to be considered for the nomination for Vice President of the United States…

I accept the call to help our nominee for president to serve and defend America.

I accept the challenge of a tough fight in this election… against confident opponents … at a crucial hour for our country.

And I accept the privilege of serving with a man who has come through much harder missions … and met far graver challenges … and knows how tough fights are won – the next president of the United States, John S. McCain.

It was just a year ago when all the experts in Washington counted out our nominee because he refused to hedge his commitment to the security of the country he loves.

With their usual certitude, they told us that all was lost – there was no hope for this candidate who said that he would rather lose an election than see his country lose a war.

But the pollsters and pundits overlooked just one thing when they wrote him off.

They overlooked the caliber of the man himself – the determination, resolve, and sheer guts of Senator John McCain. The voters knew better.

And maybe that’s because they realize there is a time for politics and a time for leadership … a time to campaign and a time to put our country first.

Our nominee for president is a true profile in courage, and people like that are hard to come by.

He’s a man who wore the uniform of this country for 22 years, and refused to break faith with those troops in Iraq who have now brought victory within sight.

And as the mother of one of those troops, that is exactly the kind of man I want as commander in chief. I’m just one of many moms who’ll say an extra prayer each night for our sons and daughters going into harm’s way.

Our son Track is 19.

And one week from tomorrow – September 11th – he’ll deploy to Iraq with the Army infantry in the service of his country.

My nephew Kasey also enlisted, and serves on a carrier in the Persian Gulf.

My family is proud of both of them and of all the fine men and women serving the country in uniform. Track is the eldest of our five children.

In our family, it’s two boys and three girls in between – my strong and kind-hearted daughters Bristol, Willow, and Piper.

And in April, my husband Todd and I welcomed our littlest one into the world, a perfectly beautiful baby boy named Trig. From the inside, no family ever seems typical.

That’s how it is with us.

Our family has the same ups and downs as any other … the same challenges and the same joys.

Sometimes even the greatest joys bring challenge.

And children with special needs inspire a special love.

To the families of special-needs children all across this country, I have a message: For years, you sought to make America a more welcoming place for your sons and daughters.

I pledge to you that if we are elected, you will have a friend and advocate in the White House. Todd is a story all by himself.

He’s a lifelong commercial fisherman … a production operator in the oil fields of Alaska’s North Slope … a proud member of the United Steel Workers’ Union … and world champion snow machine racer.

Throw in his Yup’ik Eskimo ancestry, and it all makes for quite a package.

We met in high school, and two decades and five children later he’s still my guy. My Mom and Dad both worked at the elementary school in our small town.

And among the many things I owe them is one simple lesson: that this is America, and every woman can walk through every door of opportunity.

My parents are here tonight, and I am so proud to be the daughter of Chuck and Sally Heath. Long ago, a young farmer and habber-dasher from Missouri followed an unlikely path to the vice presidency.

A writer observed: “We grow good people in our small towns, with honesty, sincerity, and dignity.” I know just the kind of people that writer had in mind when he praised Harry Truman.

I grew up with those people.

They are the ones who do some of the hardest work in America … who grow our food, run our factories, and fight our wars.

They love their country, in good times and bad, and they’re always proud of America. I had the privilege of living most of my life in a small town.

I was just your average hockey mom, and signed up for the PTA because I wanted to make my kids’ public education better.

When I ran for city council, I didn’t need focus groups and voter profiles because I knew those voters, and knew their families, too.

Before I became governor of the great state of Alaska, I was mayor of my hometown.

And since our opponents in this presidential election seem to look down on that experience, let me explain to them what the job involves.

I guess a small-town mayor is sort of like a “community organizer,” except that you have actual responsibilities. I might add that in small towns, we don’t quite know what to make of a candidate who lavishes praise on working people when they are listening, and then talks about how bitterly they cling to their religion and guns when those people aren’t listening.

We tend to prefer candidates who don’t talk about us one way in Scranton and another way in San Francisco.

As for my running mate, you can be certain that wherever he goes, and whoever is listening, John McCain is the same man. I’m not a member of the permanent political establishment.

And I’ve learned quickly, these past few days, that if you’re not a member in good standing of the Washington elite, then some in the media consider a candidate unqualified for that reason alone.

But here’s a little news flash for all those reporters and commentators: I’m not going to Washington to seek their good opinion – I’m going to Washington to serve the people of this country. Americans expect us to go to Washington for the right reasons, and not just to mingle with the right people.

Politics isn’t just a game of clashing parties and competing interests.

The right reason is to challenge the status quo, to serve the common good, and to leave this nation better than we found it.

No one expects us to agree on everything.

But we are expected to govern with integrity, good will, clear convictions, and … a servant’s heart.

I pledge to all Americans that I will carry myself in this spirit as vice president of the United States. This was the spirit that brought me to the governor’s office, when I took on the old politics as usual in Juneau … when I stood up to the special interests, the lobbyists, big oil companies, and the good-ol’ boys network.

Sudden and relentless reform never sits well with entrenched interests and power brokers. That’s why true reform is so hard to achieve.

But with the support of the citizens of Alaska, we shook things up.

And in short order we put the government of our state back on the side of the people.

I came to office promising major ethics reform, to end the culture of self-dealing. And today, that ethics reform is the law.

While I was at it, I got rid of a few things in the governor’s office that I didn’t believe our citizens should have to pay for.

That luxury jet was over the top. I put it on eBay.

I also drive myself to work.

And I thought we could muddle through without the governor’s personal chef – although I’ve got to admit that sometimes my kids sure miss her. I came to office promising to control spending – by request if possible and by veto if necessary.

Senator McCain also promises to use the power of veto in defense of the public interest – and as a chief executive, I can assure you it works.

Our state budget is under control.

We have a surplus.

And I have protected the taxpayers by vetoing wasteful spending: nearly half a billion dollars in vetoes.

I suspended the state fuel tax, and championed reform to end the abuses of earmark spending by Congress.

I told the Congress “thanks, but no thanks,” for that Bridge to Nowhere.

If our state wanted a bridge, we’d build it ourselves. When oil and gas prices went up dramatically, and filled up the state treasury, I sent a large share of that revenue back where it belonged – directly to the people of Alaska.

And despite fierce opposition from oil company lobbyists, who kind of liked things the way they were, we broke their monopoly on power and resources.

As governor, I insisted on competition and basic fairness to end their control of our state and return it to the people.

I fought to bring about the largest private-sector infrastructure project in North American history.

And when that deal was struck, we began a nearly forty billion dollar natural gas pipeline to help lead America to energy independence.

That pipeline, when the last section is laid and its valves are opened, will lead America one step farther away from dependence on dangerous foreign powers that do not have our interests at heart.

The stakes for our nation could not be higher.

When a hurricane strikes in the Gulf of Mexico, this country should not be so dependent on imported oil that we are forced to draw from our Strategic Petroleum Reserve.

And families cannot throw away more and more of their paychecks on gas and heating oil.

With Russia wanting to control a vital pipeline in the Caucasus, and to divide and intimidate our European allies by using energy as a weapon, we cannot leave ourselves at the mercy of foreign suppliers.

To confront the threat that Iran might seek to cut off nearly a fifth of world energy supplies … or that terrorists might strike again at the Abqaiq facility in Saudi Arabia … or that Venezuela might shut off its oil deliveries … we Americans need to produce more of our own oil and gas.

And take it from a gal who knows the North Slope of Alaska: we’ve got lots of both.

Our opponents say, again and again, that drilling will not solve all of America’s energy problems – as if we all didn’t know that already.

But the fact that drilling won’t solve every problem is no excuse to do nothing at all.

Starting in January, in a McCain-Palin administration, we’re going to lay more pipelines … build more new-clear plants … create jobs with clean coal … and move forward on solar, wind, geothermal, and other alternative sources.

We need American energy resources, brought to you by American ingenuity, and produced by American workers. I’ve noticed a pattern with our opponent.

Maybe you have, too.

We’ve all heard his dramatic speeches before devoted followers.

And there is much to like and admire about our opponent.

But listening to him speak, it’s easy to forget that this is a man who has authored two memoirs but not a single major law or reform – not even in the state senate.

This is a man who can give an entire speech about the wars America is fighting, and never use the word “victory” except when he’s talking about his own campaign. But when the cloud of rhetoric has passed … when the roar of the crowd fades away … when the stadium lights go out, and those Styrofoam Greek columns are hauled back to some studio lot – what exactly is our opponent’s plan? What does he actually seek to accomplish, after he’s done turning back the waters and healing the planet? The answer is to make government bigger … take more of your money … give you more orders from Washington … and to reduce the strength of America in a dangerous world. America needs more energy … our opponent is against producing it.

Victory in Iraq is finally in sight … he wants to forfeit.

Terrorist states are seeking new-clear weapons without delay … he wants to meet them without preconditions.

Al Qaeda terrorists still plot to inflict catastrophic harm on America … he’s worried that someone won’t read them their rights? Government is too big … he wants to grow it.

Congress spends too much … he promises more.

Taxes are too high … he wants to raise them. His tax increases are the fine print in his economic plan, and let me be specific.

The Democratic nominee for president supports plans to raise income taxes … raise payroll taxes … raise investment income taxes … raise the death tax … raise business taxes … and increase the tax burden on the American people by hundreds of billions of dollars. My sister Heather and her husband have just built a service station that’s now opened for business – like millions of others who run small businesses.

How are they going to be any better off if taxes go up? Or maybe you’re trying to keep your job at a plant in Michigan or Ohio … or create jobs with clean coal from Pennsylvania or West Virginia … or keep a small farm in the family right here in Minnesota.

How are you going to be better off if our opponent adds a massive tax burden to the American economy? Here’s how I look at the choice Americans face in this election.

In politics, there are some candidates who use change to promote their careers.

And then there are those, like John McCain, who use their careers to promote change.

They’re the ones whose names appear on laws and landmark reforms, not just on buttons and banners, or on self-designed presidential seals.

Among politicians, there is the idealism of high-flown speechmaking, in which crowds are stirringly summoned to support great things.

And then there is the idealism of those leaders, like John McCain, who actually do great things. They’re the ones who are good for more than talk … the ones we have always been able to count on to serve and defend America. Senator McCain’s record of actual achievement and reform helps explain why so many special interests, lobbyists, and comfortable committee chairmen in Congress have fought the prospect of a McCain presidency – from the primary election of 2000 to this very day.

Our nominee doesn’t run with the Washington herd.

He’s a man who’s there to serve his country, and not just his party.

A leader who’s not looking for a fight, but is not afraid of one either. Harry Reid, the Majority Leader of the current do-nothing Senate, not long ago summed up his feelings about our nominee.

He said, quote, “I can’t stand John McCain.” Ladies and gentlemen, perhaps no accolade we hear this week is better proof that we’ve chosen the right man. Clearly what the Majority Leader was driving at is that he can’t stand up to John McCain. That is only one more reason to take the maverick of the Senate and put him in the White House. My fellow citizens, the American presidency is not supposed to be a journey of “personal discovery.” This world of threats and dangers is not just a community, and it doesn’t just need an organizer.

And though both Senator Obama and Senator Biden have been going on lately about how they are always, quote, “fighting for you,” let us face the matter squarely.

There is only one man in this election who has ever really fought for you … in places where winning means survival and defeat means death … and that man is John McCain. In our day, politicians have readily shared much lesser tales of adversity than the nightmare world in which this man, and others equally brave, served and suffered for their country.

It’s a long way from the fear and pain and squalor of a six-by-four cell in Hanoi to the Oval Office.

But if Senator McCain is elected president, that is the journey he will have made.

It’s the journey of an upright and honorable man – the kind of fellow whose name you will find on war memorials in small towns across this country, only he was among those who came home.

To the most powerful office on earth, he would bring the compassion that comes from having once been powerless … the wisdom that comes even to the captives, by the grace of God … the special confidence of those who have seen evil, and seen how evil is overcome. A fellow prisoner of war, a man named Tom Moe of Lancaster, Ohio, recalls looking through a pin-hole in his cell door as Lieutenant Commander John McCain was led down the hallway, by the guards, day after day.

As the story is told, “When McCain shuffled back from torturous interrogations, he would turn toward Moe’s door and flash a grin and thumbs up” – as if to say, “We’re going to pull through this.” My fellow Americans, that is the kind of man America needs to see us through these next four years.

For a season, a gifted speaker can inspire with his words.

For a lifetime, John McCain has inspired with his deeds.

If character is the measure in this election … and hope the theme … and change the goal we share, then I ask you to join our cause. Join our cause and help America elect a great man as the next president of the United States.

Thank you all, and may God bless America.

Sarah Palin, the Governor of Alaska, is the presumptive Republican vice presidential nominee.
Published in: on September 3, 2008 at 9:08 pm Comments (2)

CE Week #1 Recovery: “What the Heck is McCain Up To?”

That seems to be the question this Labor Day. The Palin pick surprised everybody, and the reaction to it has not been moderate. Analysts tend either to be pleased or pissed.

I want to move beyond their back-and-forth. Too much of it seems to depend implicitly upon whether picking Palin makes McCain a hypocrite, given his attacks on Obama. I don’t think that is a particularly helpful discussion, as everybody will probably answer it based upon which candidate they had been supporting. So, in an effort to analyze the Palin pick without getting into the scrum, I offer a few considerations.

First, this pick is not a Hail Mary pass, as was Bob Dole’s selection of Jack Kemp. Kemp fit on a Dole ticket as well as Ronald Reagan would have fit on Gerald Ford’s ‘76 ticket. Unlike the ‘96 ticket, there is a natural affinity between McCain and Palin. Both stand athwart the same forces in their party, both do so for the professed sake of the public interest, and so both are insurgents. Palin challenged the powers that be in the Alaska Republican Party. McCain challenged the powers of the national GOP.

In other words, Palin appears to be a younger, female version of John McCain. She embodies his best qualities. This is why the pick cannot be dismissed as mere pandering. There are compelling reasons to pick Palin in addition to her being a woman. Was her gender a factor? Sure, but I don’t think it was the principal factor. If it were, he would have gone for Meg Whitman, Carly Fiorina, Kay Bailey Hutchison, or others.

In fact, of all the candidates mentioned at various points in time for McCain, only Bobby Jindal fits the maverick/reformer image as well as Sarah Palin. This is why Jack Kelly – an incisive columnist at my hometown paper and certainly no fan of identity politics – was trumpeting her back in June.

Second, the issue of Palin’s qualifications is complicated. The left is enthusiastically attacking her credentials. The right is just as enthusiastic in its defense. There’s no clear-cut winner here. If she were clearly unqualified, McCain would not have selected her. If she were clearly qualified, she probably would have been the GOP’s presidential nominee.

Here’s my take on her qualifications. Historically speaking, she has enough experience to be veep. We can talk about what happens if McCain drops dead on day one, but that sounds tendentious to me – like asking what President Obama would do should Vladimir Putin declare World War III on the day of Obama’s inauguration. It sounds smart to people already set upon voting against Obama, but everybody else will probably just roll his or her eyes.

Does this mean her qualifications will be a non-issue? Not necessarily. She has fewer qualifications than most veeps, that’s for sure. Her thin resume could hurt her if and only if she performs badly on television. This, and nothing else, is what matters. The people who could vote Republican this year will give her a chance. Jonathan Alter, Andrew Sullivan, and other pro-Obama commentators in the MSM are not going to sway these people, at least not directly. These analysts could frame the persuables’ reactions should they decide they don’t like her. So, it’s up to Palin.

For those who are skeptical that she can pull this off, remember – Obama did! While Obama might be special, he’s certainly not singular. Lots of people can give good performances on television, even if they have had little practice. Furthermore, unlike Obama as of a year ago, Palin has already been through a real statewide election. Two, in fact – first against incumbent governor Frank Murkowski, then against former governor Tony Knowles. Obama managed to look so poised without such practice.

The key word for Palin, as it was (and is) for Obama, is poise. She appeared poised at her announcement, which was her most important day. If she appears poised during her nomination acceptance address, poised on the stump, and poised in the debate – her qualifications should be a non-issue, and she’ll help McCain deliver his message.

Third, I think many people are surprised to discover that McCain intends to carry a positive message into the fall. Many of us had assumed that this election would be a referendum on Barack Obama, with McCain serving as an inoffensive backup for those too unsure of the junior senator from Illinois. Just a few weeks ago, I used this logic to argue that McCain should select Mitt Romney, as he was the best among the viable picks to go after Obama.

John McCain clearly does not share this view of the race. By picking Palin, he is signaling that he intends to win this election not just by attacking Obama, but by offering an affirmative message of his own.

What is that message? It is that he represents change, too. It’s not the “drastic” change that Obama represents, but rather “common sense reform” (scare quotes reflect what we will hear from McCain-Palin, not non-partisan reality). McCain is indicating that he, too, is a candidate whose election would alter the status quo – not as much as Obama’s election would, but alter it nonetheless.

Indeed, it is interesting to consider the two tickets. The fresh but inexperienced candidate is at the top of the Democratic ticket; the experienced pol who, even after all these years, “calls it like he sees it” is at the bottom. With the GOP, it’s reversed. These tickets are mirror images of one another. The message to voters from McCain? If you’re unhappy with the status quo in Washington, but are worried that Obama-Biden would be too drastic a change, vote McCain-Palin.

So, the public gets a pretty sophisticated choice this year. It’s not a choice between change versus more of the same. It’s a choice between degrees of change. I like this. And while I have no idea how Palin will play, I like that McCain believes he has to offer something positive and new to win.

I still think Obama would have been best served by selecting Hillary Clinton as his nominee. However, given the choice not to select Hillary, I think he made a wise move by picking Joe Biden. As I noted above, Biden is a guy who tells it like it is. So, he adds heft without damaging Obama’s core message. The Democrats have a well-balanced ticket. John McCain responded by balancing his ticket well, too.

All things considered, I like these tickets. Together, they give the public a clear choice. Plus, neither offers the public what it certainly does not want, the status quo. People complain all the time about how our two-party system stifles real debate and fails to offer the public a distinct choice. I am optimistic that, when all is said and done, Obama v. McCain will be one that the naysayers won’t point to. When they whine about our “failed politics,” they’ll have to conveniently forget 2008.

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CE Week #1 Recovery: “Heepism vs. Elitism”

Voters today demand empathy from candidates in a way that voters never did from austere George Washington or crusty John Adams.

George F. Will
NEWSWEEK
Aug 30, 2008

We are so very umble.
—Uriah Heep In “David Copperfield”

Cognitive dissonance—believing, sincerely and simultaneously, contradictory ideas—might be considered a genteel mental disorder were it not such a nearly universal phenomenon that it seems less a disorder than part of the natural order of things. It afflicts—if it really is an affliction rather than a normal accommodation to life’s ambiguities—individuals and collectivities, such as the American electorate.

Today, Americans seem to demand a government that is an omnipresent and omni provident cornucopia of entitlements, but that also is small and imposes low taxes. Dissonance? This is cognitive cacophony.

Now Americans are about to choose a president who—judging by political rhetoric, which responds to voters’ expectations—is supposed to be an economic wizard, a national pastor, a Florence Nightingale in providing health care and a diplomat of Metternichian guile and Franciscan goodness. But Americans also are being plied and belabored with dueling warnings that the two presidential candidates from whom they must choose, both of them U.S. senators, are—Heaven forfend!—not common men.

John McCain, the son and grandson of admirals, married a wealthy woman and is supposed to be scorched to a cinder by the disapproval of a nation that is encouraged to think that he has too many houses. Barack Obama, with his two Ivy League degrees (Columbia, Harvard Law School), lives in an expensive home in Chicago’s tony Hyde Park section, an academic enclave hard by the University of Chicago.

Well. “The house, situated in a landscaped clearing on a bluff overlooking the Hudson River, is a large rambling structure faced with stucco and fieldstone.” So reads the National Park Service Web site on Springwood, where Franklin Roosevelt “was born to a family of wealth and social position” and where he is buried. This estate at Hyde Park was where young Franklin learned “the things that a young gentleman of his class should know,” including “horsemanship, rowing, fishing, sailing, and ice boating” on the river.

People who believe in architectural determinism should believe that FDR’s housing must have prevented him from empathizing with common folks. And nowadays voters demand empathy from candidates in a way that voters never did of austere George Washington or crusty John Adams.

At the nation’s founding, Americans believed that government exists to protect people in the exercise of their pre-existing “natural” rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. But time passed, bringing us FDR and Oprah and other facets of modernity. Now Americans believe that government exists to create new rights for them, and to solve their problems, and that it can do so only if politicians empathize with voters’ conditions and “feelings,” and that perhaps politicians cannot do so if they do not live lives of conspicuous normality.

Actually, the politics of Uriah Heepism—histrionic humility—and flamboyant empathy had infected politics by 1840. The country was in its worst depression to date and the Democratic Party, which had held the presidency for 12 years, was in bad odor. When the Whig Party nominated William Henry Harrison, a hostile newspaper said that all Democrats would need to do was “give him a barrel of hard cider” and a pension and he would be content to “sit the remainder of his days in his log cabin.” Whigs saw opportunity in the insult, saying that the remedy for hard times was hard cider. Harrison had lived in a log cabin only briefly, and by the time he ran for president the house on his Ohio estate was grand enough that his campaign had to tone it down for public viewings. Never mind. Log cabins and cider jugs became symbols that propelled Harrison to the White House.

A story, perhaps apocryphal but certainly plausible, is that a child once began a school essay with this sentence: “Abraham Lincoln was born in a log cabin he built himself.” Although Lincoln did not build it, being born in such a very ‘umble dwelling was for him an excellent career move.

Charges of “elitism” are hardy perennials, but surely Americans can accept two axioms. The first is: The central principle of republican government is representation, under which the people do not decide issues, they decide who shall decide. The second is: Elections decide not whether elites shall rule but which elites shall rule.

Robert Alphonso Taft (1889–1953), the son of President William Howard Taft, became known as “Mr. Republican” during his 14 years as a U.S. senator from Ohio. He was a conservative representing a state whose electorate included many farmers and blue-collar industrial workers, and opponents charged that he was out of touch with such ordinary people. In 1947 a reporter asked Mrs. Taft, “Do you think of your husband as a common man?” Aghast, she replied:

“Oh, no, no! The senator is very uncommon. He was first in his class at Yale and first in his class at the Harvard Law School. We wouldn’t permit Ohio to be represented in the Senate by just a common man.”

In 1950, Taft was re-elected in a landslide.

CE Week #1 Recovery: “A Star Is Born?”

September 1, 2008
Op-Ed Columnist

ST. PAUL

Thursday night, after Barack Obama’s well-orchestrated, well-conceived and well-delivered acceptance speech in Denver, Republicans were demoralized. Twenty-four hours later, they were energized — even exuberant. It’s amazing what a bold vice-presidential pick who gives a sterling performance when she’s introduced will do for a party’s spirits.

There are Republicans who are unhappy about John McCain’s selection of Sarah Palin. Many are insiders who highly value — who overly value — “experience.” There are also sensible strategists who nervously note just how big a gamble McCain has taken.

But what was McCain’s alternative? To go quietly down to defeat, accepting a role as a bit player in The Barack Obama Story? McCain had to shake up the race, and once he was persuaded not to pick Joe Lieberman, which would have been one kind of gamble, he went all in with Sarah Palin.

Some media mandarins were upset. One reporter noted that — horrors! — Palin had never even appeared on “Meet the Press.” Time’s Joe Klein remarked disapprovingly that McCain didn’t know Palin well and had never worked with her. He noted by contrast “that when Walter Mondale picked Geraldine Ferraro in 1984, House Speaker Tip O’Neill, who had worked with Ferraro, was not only vouching for her, but raving about her.”

Of course, Ferraro was widely regarded as an unsuccessful V.P. choice. Maybe rave reviews from D.C. insiders aren’t the best guarantee of future success.

And Obama supporters can’t get too indignant about Palin’s inexperience. She’s only running for the No. 2 job, after all, while their inexperienced standard-bearer is the nominee for the top position. And McCain doesn’t need a foreign policy expert as vice president to help him out.

Meanwhile, a Republican operative here mentioned to me that Barack Obama has cited this 1992 comment by Bill Clinton:

“The same old experience is irrelevant. You can have the right kind of experience or the wrong kind of experience. And mine is rooted in the real lives of real people, and it will bring real results if we have the courage to change.”

But the crucial political fact is that the Obama campaign no longer has a monopoly on “the courage to change.” Facing an electorate that wants change, McCain has given himself a fighting chance to win the election.

And he has staked a lot on Sarah Palin.

Voters are unlikely to learn much that is new or surprising about Obama, McCain or Joe Biden over the next two months. Palin’s performance as the vice-presidential nominee, on the other hand, is the open and unresolved question of this campaign. She is, in a way, now the central figure in this fall’s electoral drama.

If Palin turns out not be up to the challenge for which McCain has selected her, McCain will pay a heavy price. His judgment about the most important choice he’s had to make this year will have been proved wanting. He won’t be able to plead that being right about the surge in Iraq should be judged as more important than being right about his vice-presidential pick.

McCain has gambled boldly on Palin. If she flops, McCain could lose by a landslide.

On the other hand, if Palin exceeds expectations, and her selection ends up looking both bold and wise, McCain could win.

The Palin pick already, as Noemie Emery wrote, “Wipes out the image of McCain as the crotchety elder and brings back that of the fly-boy and gambler, which is much more appealing, and the genuine person.” But of course McCain needs Palin to do well to prove he’s a shrewd and prescient gambler.

I spent an afternoon with Palin a little over a year ago in Juneau, and have followed her career pretty closely ever since. I think she can pull it off. I’m not the only one. The day after the V.P. announcement, I spoke with an old friend, James Muller, chairman of the political science department at the University of Alaska, Anchorage. He said that Palin “has been underestimated over and over again. She took on the party and state establishments here in Alaska, and left them reeling. She’s a very good campaigner, a quick study and a fighter.”

Muller called particular attention to her successes in passing an increase to the oil production tax and facilitating the future construction of a huge natural gas pipeline. “At first the oil companies thought she was naïve, and they’d have their way. Instead she faced them down and forced them to compromise on her terms.”

Can she face down the Democrats, Joe Biden and the national media over the next couple of months?

John McCain is betting she can. Perhaps, as he pondered his vice-presidential selection, he recalled the advice of Margaret Thatcher: “In politics if you want anything said, ask a man. If you want anything done, ask a woman.”

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CE Week #1 Recovery: “Northern Underexposure”

By E. J. Dionne

ST. PAUL, Minn. — By all rights, there should be a revolt at this week’s Republican convention against John McCain’s selection of Sarah Palin as his running mate — for the very same reasons so many Republicans opposed President Bush’s selection of Harriet Miers for the Supreme Court.

Palin is, if anything, less qualified for the vice presidency (and the presidency) than Miers was for the court. But there is one big difference: Palin passes all the right-wing litmus tests, which means she is unlikely to suffer Miers’ fate.

It’s amusing to watch Republicans play gender politics. At the time Bush chose Miers, he was under pressure to pick a woman to replace retiring Justice Sandra Day O’Connor. But most of the plausible women jurists were either too moderate to satisfy conservatives or so right wing that they faced serious confirmation problems.

So Bush picked his close White House aide, hoping that his own standing with the right would push her through. Conservatives would have none of it. They assailed Miers’ lack of judicial grounding. And they certainly had a case. But what really bothered them was that they had no idea how she would vote on the court. Fearing she was a closet moderate, they blocked her.

McCain, it appears, also wanted a woman, and so he went with Alaska’s young governor with strongly conservative views. How do Palin and Miers compare?

Miers, at least, had been a lawyer for 35 years, the head of the state bar in Texas and White House counsel. Palin’s experience comes down to a couple of years as governor and six years as mayor of Wasilla, Alaska, a town with a population of under 10,000.

Where Miers definitely tops Palin is on the question of whether her patron can vouch for her. Bush knew Miers well, worked with her closely, trusted her deeply. You can question Bush’s judgment in pushing her for the court — for the record, at the time I called the choice “too clever” and thus “dangerous” — but at least he had good reason to believe in the person he was asking others to count on.

McCain, as far as anyone can tell, met Palin only once before considering her for vice president, and once more before settling on her, which is to say he barely knows her. For the purpose of courting disaffected Hillary Clinton voters and satisfying the social conservatives, McCain is willing to place someone he knows mostly from press clippings in the direct line of succession to the presidency. There is a breathtaking recklessness about this choice.

There are many who say that in choosing Palin, McCain has taken the issue of experience off the table. I disagree. Now, the balance on experience shifts toward the Democrats, and it’s not just for the obvious reason that Joe Biden is manifestly more qualified than Palin.

Conservatives have complained that we barely know Obama. This is nonsense. Obama has been thoroughly vetted over the four years since he entered the public spotlight. We have been given fewer than 70 days to get to know Palin.

In particular, we know Obama’s foreign policy views in great detail. About Palin’s opinions on foreign policy, we know absolutely nothing. According to a 1999 Associated Press report, she sported a Pat Buchanan button when Buchanan visited Wasilla during his campaign for the 2000 Republican nomination. Does this mean she shares Buchanan’s isolationist foreign policy views? Who can say? There is no record.

That only a handful of conservatives have so far expressed doubts about Palin demonstrates that ideology is what drove them during the Miers fight, and drives them still. Miers’ lack of experience was, for many conservatives, a convenient rationale for opposing someone they worried might become another David Souter. Palin’s lack of experience is irrelevant because she is right — actually, quite far right — on the conservatives’ issues.

As a purely political matter, McCain’s choice of Palin will overshadow this week’s convention. The Republicans once hoped to use their gathering to persuade Americans not to trust Obama. But as the speakers here make their case, the media will rightly be doing their job, trying to figure out who Palin is. Palin, not Obama, will be the issue, in a way that Mitt Romney, Tim Pawlenty or some other well-known figure would not have been.

But there is also the question of principle. In picking Biden as his running mate, it’s Obama who made the prudent choice. McCain is asking us to roll the dice. You’d think that people who call themselves conservative would have a problem with that.

postchat@aol.com

Copyright 2008, Washington Post Writers Group

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CE Week #1 Recovery: “Sarah Palin vs. Barack Obama”

By Gerard Baker

Democrats, between sniggers of derision and snorts of disgust, contend that Sarah Palin, John McCain’s vice-presidential pick is ridiculously unqualified to be president.

It’s a reasonable objection on its face except for this small objection: it surely needs to be weighed against the Democrats’ claim that their own candidate for president is self-evidently ready to assume the role of most powerful person on the planet.

At first blush, here’s what we know about the relative experience of the two candidates. Both are in their mid-forties and have held statewide elective office for less than four years. Both have admitted to taking illegal drugs in their youth.

So much for the similarities. How about the differences?

Political experience

Obama: Worked his way to the top by cultivating, pandering to and stroking the most powerful interest groups in the all-pervasive Chicago political machine, ensuring his views were aligned with the power brokers there.

Palin: Worked her way to the top by challenging, attacking and actively undermining the Republican party establishment in her native Alaska. She ran against incumbent Republicans as a candidate willing and able to clean the Augean Stables of her state’s government.

Political Biography

Obama: A classic, if unusually talented, greasy-pole climber. Held a succession of jobs that constitute the standard route to the top in his party’s internal politics: “community organizer”, law professor, state senator.

Palin: A woman with a wide range of interests in a well-variegated life. Held a succession of jobs – sports journalist, commercial fisherwoman, state oil and gas commissioner, before entering local politics. A resume that suggests something other than burning political ambition from the cradle but rather the sort of experience that enables her to understand the concerns of most Americans..
Political history

Obama: Elected to statewide office only after a disastrous first run for a congressional seat and after his Republican opponent was exposed in a sexual scandal. Won seat eventually in contest against a candidate who didn’t even live in the state.
Palin: Elected to statewide office by challenging a long-serving Republican incumbent governor despite intense opposition from the party.
Appeal

Obama: A very attractive speaker whose celebrity has been compared to that of Britney Spears and who sends thrills up Chris Matthews’ leg

Palin: A very attractive woman, much better-looking than Britney Spears who speaks rather well too. She sends thrills up the leg of Rush Limbaugh (and me).

Executive experience

Obama: Makes executive decisions every day that affect the lives of his campaign staff and a vast crowd of traveling journalists

Palin:Makes executive decisions every day that affect the lives of 500,000 people in her state, and that impact crucial issues of national economic interest such as the supply and cost of energy to the United States.

Religious influences

Obama: Regards people who “cling” to religion and guns as “bitter” . Spent 20 years being mentored and led spiritually by a man who proclaimed “God damn America” from his pulpit. Mysteriously, this mentor completely disappeared from public sight about four months ago.

Palin: Head of her high school Fellowship of Christian Athletes and for many years a member of the Assemblies of God congregation whose preachers have never been known to accuse the United States of deliberately spreading the AIDS virus. They remain in full public sight and can be seen every Sunday in churches across Alaska. A proud gun owner who has been known to cling only to the carcasses of dead caribou felled by her own aim.
Record of bipartisan achievement

Obama: Speaks movingly of the bipartisanship needed to end the destructive politics of “Red America” and “Blue America”, but votes in the Senate as a down-the-line Democrat, with one of the most liberal voting records in congress.

Palin: Ridiculed by liberals such as John Kerry as a crazed, barely human, Dick Cheney-type conservative but worked with Democrats in the state legislature to secure landmark anti-corruption legislation.

Former state Rep. Ethan Berkowitz – a Democrat – said. “Gov. Palin has made her name fighting corruption within her own party, and I was honored when she stepped across party lines and asked me to co-author her ethics white paper.”
On Human Life

Obama: Devoutly pro-choice. Voted against a bill in the Illinois state senate that would have required doctors to save the lives of babies who survived abortion procedures. The implication of this position is that babies born prematurely during abortions would be left alone, unnourished and unmedicated, until they died.

Palin: Devoutly pro-life. Exercised the choice proclaimed by liberals to bring to full term a baby that had been diagnosed in utero with Down Syndrome.

Now it’s true there are other crucial differences. Sen Obama has appeared on Meet The Press every other week for the last four years. He has been the subject of hundreds of adoring articles in papers and newsweeklies and TV shows and has written two Emmy-award winning books.

Gov Palin has never appeared on Meet the Press, never been on the cover of Newsweek. She presumably feels that, as a mother of five children married to a snowmobile champion, who also happens to be the first woman and the youngest person ever to be elected governor of her state, she has not really done enough yet to merit an autobiography.

Then again, I’m willing to bet that if she had authored The Grapes of Wrath, sung like Edith Piaf and composed La Traviata , she still wouldn’t have won an Emmy.

Fortunately, it will be up to the American people and not their self-appointed leaders in Hollywood and New York to determine who really has the better experience to be president.

Gerard Baker is US Editor and Assistant Editor of The Times of London. Email: gerard.baker@thetimes.co.uk

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